Notes

3. For example, the contradiction noted by Ugarte between the exceedingly centralized, semidivine government of the Incas and the regionalism of the agrarian system. Cf. "Los antecedentes hist6ricos del r,egimen agrario peruano" (Lima, 1918), p. 60. [For further information concerning all authors and works cited, the reader is referred to the bibliography at the end of this volume.] 4. B. J. Menendez, Manual de geografia y estadistica del Peru (Paris, 1861). 5. The present English-language edition is based in great measure on the author's work on the same subject, entitled L'empire socialiste des Inka (Paris: Universite de Paris, Institut d'Ethnologie, Travaux et memoires, Vol. V, 1928), completed and revised in the light of the many works published between that date and the present. NOTES TO CHAPTER I 1. ". . . nearly all early civilizations have been in warm climates where the necessaries of life are small and where nature makes bountiful returns even to the rudest cultivation. . . . They often developed on the banks of a great river." Marshall, Principles of Economics (8th ed.; London, 269 270 Notes to Pages 2-9 1925), p. 724. Most authors reason from the examples furnished by an tiquity. Cf. Brunhes, La geographie humaine (2nd ed.; Paris, 1912), p.

73, and Metchnikoff, La civilisation et les grands fleuves historiques (Paris, 1889). 2. This explains why it is that some authors, like Squier (Peru, p. 6), em phasize the first characteristic, while others, like Bandelier (The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 7), insist on the second, leaving the reader greatly perplexed. 3. The temperature of the Humboldt Current varies from 14° to 18° C. (R. Murphy, "The Oceanography of the Peruvian Littoral with Refer ence to the Abundance of Marine Life," Geographical Review, January, 1923, p. 67.) Cf. E. Romero, Geografia economica del Peru (Lima, 1930), p. 26, and El Peru en march a (Lima: Banco de credito del Peru, 1943), p.16. 4. The most important of these are those of Porco between Chile and Bo livia; Pasco in the middle of Peru, from which flow the two largest trib utaries of the Amazon-the Maraii6n and the Huallaga; Vilcaiiota be tween the Bolivian Andes and central Peru; and then in Ecuador the knots of Loja, Tinajillas, of the province of Azuay, Tiocajas, Sanancajas, Tiupullo, and Mojanda.

5. Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Historia de las guerras civiles del Peru, Vol. III, ch. lviii. 6. Martinet, L'agriculture au Perou (Paris, 1878), p. 8. 7. Geographically, Ecuador is only an extension of Peru. There too there is a dearth of arable land. More than half the soil cannot be cultivated. (T. Wolf, Ecuador, p. 447.) The puna is called p,dramo in Ecuador. 8. It crosses the divide at 15,665 feet. 9. P. de Villagomes, Exortaciones e instruccion acerca de las idolatrias de los indios del arzobispado de Lima (Lima: Colecci6n de libros y docu mentos referentes a la historia del Peru, Vol. XII, 1919). 10. Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xiii. NOTES TO CHAPTER II 1. L'homme am,ericain, I, 108. 2. Voyages aux regions equinoxiales, III, 364. 3. La figure de la terre, p. 101. 4. D'Orbigny, Ope cit., I, 117 et seq. Ferris gives the measurements of the Indians in his The Indians of Cuzco and the Apurimac (1916).

5. Comentarios, Vol. I, ch. ix. 6. Santillan, Relacion, § 4. Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. I, ch. lxxix. 7. Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. iv. J. de la Espada, Relaciones geo graficas, I, 84. 8. Sarmiento, Geschichte, ch. viii. Morua, Historia, Vol. I, ch. i. Cieza de Le6n also qualifies as behetrias some of the tribes on the coast of Ecuador at the time of his voyage. (Cronica, Pt. I, ch. i.) 9. Markham (The Incas of Peru, ch. xi) protests against the use of the word behetria as if it were necessarily derogatory. To be sure, it was often so Notes to Pages 9-11 271 used by the chroniclers. Nevertheless, a great many Spanish writers looked upon the behetrias with admiration. It was only with their decline that liberty degenerated into anarchy and the disturbances broke out that completely discredited this institution. Cf. Cardenas, Ensayo sobre la historia de la propiedad en Espana (Madrid, 1873), I, 227, and L6pez de Ayala Alvarez, Memoria (Madrid, 1896), p. 243, n. 1.

10. Relaciones geogrdficas} I, 149-188; III, 96. Herrera explains that the k~ngs had theIllselves served like gods and treated their subjects like animals, and this was the reason why many of the tribes no longer wanted to have a sovereign and preferred to live in behetrias. (Historia general, Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. vi.) 11. Loc. cit. 12. Historia de los Incas} p. 212. 13. Nordenskiold, "Dne contribution a la connaissance de l'anthropogeo graphie de l'Amerique," Journal de la Soci,et,edes Americanistes de Paris} 1911. H. Vignaud, "Le probleme du peuplement initial de l'Am,erique," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris} 1922. 14. For example: apay} to carry; auki} father, old man; cura (which became curaca), chief; ipu} cloud; kiri (which became kara), skin; pucara} for tress. In Maori, the word inga means "man-at-arms." Cf. the addendum to J. Imbelloni, La esfinge indiana and G. Friederici, "Zu den vorkolum bischen Verbindungen der Siidsee-Volker mit Amerika," Anthropos} May, 1929, p. 441. Entirely without reason, H. Cunow pours scorn upon the belief in the Indian's Asiatic origin (El sistema de parentesco peruano) etc.} p. 58).

15. T. Joyce, South American Archaeology} p. 189. The Kon-Tiki, a raft built along the same lines as those once used by the natives, left Peru and was allowed to drift. The current carried all those on board toward Polynesia. Cf. Heyerdahl, Kon-Tiki (London, 1950). 16. P. Rivet, "Les Malayo-Polynesiens en Amerique," Journal de la Societe des Am,ericanistes de Paris} XVIII (1926), 141-278, and the same author's paper submitted to the 22nd International Congress of Americanists, Rome, September 27, 1926. 17. For the "Atlantis" solution, see Cuneo Vidal, Historia de la civilizaci6n peruana} p. 84. For the refutation of this hypothesis, see L. Germain, "L'hypothese des Atlantes et les arts primitifs des deux Ameriques et de l'Egypte," Lesetudes atlanteennes} February, 1928. For the "country of Mu" solution, see A. Posnansky, Tihuanacu} p. 20, and the works of J. Churchward. 18. H. Urteaga, "EI antiguo Peru a la luz de la arqueologfa y de la crftica,"

Revista historica de Lima} 1909, ch. i. 19. De Crequi-Montfort and Rivet, "L'origine des aborigenes du Perou et de la Bolivie," paper submitted to the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, session of March 27, 1914, and "La langue Uru ou Pu kina," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris} 1925, p. 211. A whole literature exists on the curious Uru people, who are on the way to total extinction as a result of the disappearance of the totora reeds, which they used in making boats. The Urus differ from the Aymaras and profess 272 Notes to Pages 11-13 to antedate other men. Cf. A. Posnansky, Antropologia y sociologia de las razas interandinas~ p. 57; E. Romero, El departamento de Puno~ p. 163; and E. Palavecino, "Los indios Urus de Iruito," La Prensa~ Buenos Aires, November 18, 1934; J. Vellard, Contribution aretude des Indiens Uru (Lima: Institut fran~ais d'etudes andines, 1949), Dieux et parias des Andes (Paris, 1954).

20. Otto von Buchwald, "Migraciones sud-americanas," Boletin de la Socie dad ecuatoriana de estudios historicos americanos~ 1918, p. 236. 21. J. Tello, "Origen y desarrollo de las civilizaciones prehist6ricas," Pro ceedings~ 27th International Congress of Americanists (Lima, 1942), I, 589; E. L. Hewett, Ancient Andean Life~ p. 210; A. L. Kroeber, Peruvian Archaeology in 1942; J. Muelle and C. BIas, "Muestrario de arte peruano precolombino," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima~ Vol. VII, No.2 (1938). 22. M. Saville, The Antiquities of Manabi: a Final Report. 23. Jij6n y Caamafio, "Una gran marca cultural en el Nord-Oeste de Sud America," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris~ 1930, p. 107. 24. Max Uhle, Estado actual de la prehistoria ecuatoriana. For earlier opin ions, cf. Velasco, Historia~ p. 156; Gonzalez de la Rosa, "Les Caras de l'.tquateur," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris~ and Philip Ainsworth Means, Ancient Civilizations~ etc.~ p. 166.

25. A. Raimondi, El Perit~ I, 153. In the art of Chavin, the eye is oval-or almond-shaped, with the pupil against the upper edge; in the art of Tiahuanaco, it is square, octagonal, or round. The former is expressive; the latter is not. The art of Tiahuanaco appears to have come later than that of Chavin and to be more assured, simpler, and more austere. Mark ham was mistaken in thinking Chavin a corruption of Tiahuanaco. 26. Chimu is often called Mochica or Yunga, but the latter is used as the generic name for all the warm regions, whether along the littoral or on the eastern slopes of the Andes. 27. Calancha, Cor6nica moralizada~ Vol. III, ch. i; Montesinos, Memorias, etc., ch. ix; Francisco de Avila, "A Narrative of the Errors, etc." 28. This was brought to light by aerial exploration. Cf. Shippee-J ohnson, Peru From the Air (New York, 1930). 29. P. Kimmich maintains that it resembles Chinese towns in its outer wall of defense and its sloping roofs. (Enciclopedia universal ilustrada eu ropeo-americana, article on "Peru.") Cf. Otto Holstein, "Chan-Chan: Capital of the Great Chimu," Geographical Review~ XXVII (January, 1927), 50.

30. R. Larco Hoyle, Los Mochicas~ II, 54; Squier, Peru, p. 169. F. de la Car rera published at Lima in 1644 a grammar and in 1680 a dictionary of the Chimu language entitled Arte de la lengua yunga de los valles del obispado de Truxillo del Perit and Arte y vocabulario de la lengua de los Chimit. Cf. Paz Soldan, Arte de la lengua yunga (Lima, 1880) and E. W. Middendorf, Die einheimischen Sprachen Perus (Leipzig, 1892), Vol. VI. 31. Reproductions of these designs are to be found in all the illustrated books on ancient Peru, especially the two handsome volumes of R. Larco Hoyle, Los Mochicas, and H. Urteaga, El Perit~ pp. 47 ff.

Notes to Pages 14-16 273 32. R. Carri6n Cachot, "La indumentaria de la antigua cultura de Paracas," Wira Kocha, Vol. I, No.1 (1931). 33. For example, the different months of the year. We do not know for what city Paracas served as the necropolis. No trace of it exists in the environs. 34. H. Urteaga, Ope cit., p. 7. The reader will find beautiful reproductions in this work. 35. The size of Lake Guanacache has diminished considerably; the sandy stretch of land between the provinces of Rioja and Catamarca was cov ered with thickets of mesquite in the seventeenth century; miners some times unearth the roots of trees in the Atacama desert; and the provinces of Leon and Tunguragua in Ecuador were once much more fertile than they are today. (Moreno, "Notes on the Anthropogeography of Argen tina," Geographical Journal, 1901, p. 574; R. Latcham, El comercio precolombiano, p. 10.) 36. E. Reclus, Geographie universelle, XVIII, 641; A. Posnansky, El clima del altiplano y la extension del lago Titicaca; P. Angrand, Lettre sur les antiquites de Tiaguanaco, p. 7.

37. J. Imbelloni, Ope cit., p. 58; I. Bowman, Desert Tracts of Atacama, Amer ican Geographical Society, Special Publications, No.3. 38. H. Urteaga, El imperio incdico, p. 13. 39. A. Posnansky, Antropologla y sociologla de las razas interandinas y de las regiones adyacentes, ch. i and ii, and Tihuanacu. 40. H. Cunow, Ope cit., p. 73. 41. Cuneo Vidal, H istoria de la civilizacion peruana, p. 115. 42. P. A. Means, Ope cit., p. 117; E. Vasquez, "Sillustani," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima, Vol. VI, No.2 (1937). We shall return to Machu Picchu when we speak of the cities of the Incas. 43. Stiibe1, Die Ruinenstiitte von Tiahuanaco (Leipzig, 1892); Bandelier, "The Ruins at Tiahuanaco," Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, XXI (1911),218; and Posnansky, Tihuanacu (New York, 1932). 44. Posnansky, "Die altertiimer von Tihuanacu," Zeitschrift filr Ethnologie, XLV (1913), 176, and Tihuanacu.

45. Julius Nestler, Beitriige zur Kenntnis der Ruinenstiitte von Tiahuanaco (Vienna, 1913); Posnansky, "Nuevas investigaciones en Carangas," Pro~ ceedings, 21st International Congress of Americanists (GOteborg, 1924). 46. M. Uh1e, "Las re1aciones prehistoricas entre e1 Peru y 1a Argentina," Proceedings, 17th International Congress of Americanists (Buenos Aires, 1910); Debenedetti, "Influencias de la cultura de Tiahuanaco en la region del noroeste argentino," Revista de la U niversidad de Buenos Aires, XVII (1912), 326; R. Levillier, El Peru y el Tucumdn en los tiem pos prehispdnicos (Lima, 1926), p. 61; B. Brandt, Sildamerika (Bres1au, 1923), p. 57. 47. Joyce, Ope cit., p. 184. 48. The word aymara, borrowed by the Jesuits from a section of the Quechua tribe, is altogether inappropriate, but it has come to be generally ac cepted. 49. M. Uhle, "Los origenes de los Incas," Ope cit.; D'Orbigny, Ope cit., p. 223; B. Saavedra, El ayllu, p. 130. At the beginning of the seventeenth cen274 Notes to Pages 16-18 tury, an Italian Jesuit, L. Bertonio, who lived in the Juli mISSIon in Peru from 1581 to 1625, wrote three books on the Aymara language: Arte breve de la lengua Aymara para introducci6n del arte grande de la misma lengua (Rome, 1603), Arte y gramatica muy copiosa de la lengua Aymara (Rome, 1603), and Vocabulario de la lengua Aymara (Juli, 1612).

A little later, D. de Torres Rubio brought out a book called Arte de la lengua Aymara (Lima, 1616). There is another early seventeenth-century work of the same title by Diego Gualdo. Cf. also J. M. Camacho, "La lengua Aymara," Boletin de la Sociedad de geografia de la Paz) Decem ber, 1945. 50. Posnansky, Gonzalez de la Rosa, and Means contend that there were two successive Aymara empires. 51. Rivero and Tschudi (Antiquites peruviennes) F. tr., p. 42) and H. Vi gnaud (op. cit.) p. 53) maintain that the Incas come from the Aymaras. In this book we shall call the emperor or king the Inca and give the generic name of Incas to the Indians of royal blood, who belonged to the upper class. 52. De C~equi-Mont£ort, "Exploration en Bolivie," Bulletin de la Soci.ete de geographie) 1902; A. Chervin, "Aymaras and Quichuas," Proceedings) 18th International Congress of Americanists (London, 1912), I, 63; G.

Rouma, Les Indiens quitchouas et aymaras) etc. (Brussels, 1913). 53. Nordenskiold, "Exploration scientifique au P,erou et en Bolivie," Bulletin de la Societe de geographie) 1905, p. 289. Squier writes that the Aymaras are as different from the Quechuas as the French are from the Germans (Peru) p. 570). 54. Angrand, op. cit.) p. 9. 55. G. Suarez, Historia general) I, 34. The Esmeraldas did not submit to the Inca influence. They spoke a language belonging to the Chibcha family. 56. M. Uhle, "La arqueologia de Arica y Tacna," Boletin de la Sociedad ecuatoriana de estudios hist6ricos americanos) 1919. 57. For example, there may have been such centers in the recently explored parts of the great eastern forest. There are traces of dwellings in north eastern Bolivia that indicate the existence of a once numerous population different from that of the plateau. (Nordenskiold, loco cit.) 58. Rivet, "Les origines de l'homme americain," op. cit.

59. Researchers who are impatient to discover the truth are much in danger of attributing to migrations and outside influences what is merely the result of parallel development. Many objects of the preColumbian era in South America are identical with those brought to light by excavations in the Old World. The vases found by Schliemann on the site of Troy are like those of Peru. (G. Suarez, op. cit.) Pt. II, p. 121.) The Incas and the Pharaohs resembled each other in more than one respect, and certain authors have busied themselves in drawing up lists of analogies from which they draw the conclusion that the Indians are of Aryan origin. (Fidel Lopez, Les races aryennes du Perou.) But the pace of progress is unequal. Some peoples are advanced, and some are retarded; and the forms of this progress are far from being identical. It is true that writing was invented twice, once in Egypt and again in Central America (Amelja Notes to Pages 18-20 275 Hertz, "L'Egypte sous les quatre premieres dynasties et l'Amerique cen trale," Revue de synthese historique, June, 1923); but it did not exist in Peru, although the development of the latter country was comparable to that of Mexico. Although the idea of monarchy was the same among the Incas and the Pharaohs, the social structure of their peoples was never theless absolutely different. Let us, therefore, be on our guard against both extremes: it is just as much an exaggeration to conclude from an identity of ideas or of products that there must have been some reciprocal influence as it is to disregard the identity on the assumption that all progress is the result of independent lines of parallel development.

60. M. Uhle, "Fundamentos 'etnicos de la region de Arica y Tacna," Boletin de la Sociedad ecuatoriana de estudios historicos americanos, 1919. 61. Boman, "Migration precolombienne dans Ie nord-ouest de l'Argentine," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, 1905. Nordenskiold has studied a Guarani migration that came from the banks of the Parana and Paraguay at the beginning of the sixteenth century and was forced back by the Incas. ("The Guarani Invasion of the Inca Empire in the Sixteenth Century," Geographical Review, IV (August, 1917), 103-121.) 62. Verneau and Rivet, Ethnographie ancienne de l'Equateur, p. 240. 63. Boman, loco cit. 64. Uhle, "Ancient South American Civilization," Harper's Magazine, Octo ber, 1923. 65. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Vol. I, ch. xxii; Sahuaraura Inca, Recuerdos de la monarquia peruana (Paris, 1850); Montesinos, Ope cit., ch. xiv. 66. Ondegardo, Copia de carta, etc., p. 449.

67. Jijon y Caamafio and Carlos Larrea, Un cementerio incdico en Quito, p. 65; G. de la Rosa, 'Ensayos de cronologia incana," Revista historica de Lima, 1909, p. 43; J. de la Riva-Agiiero, "Examen, etc." Ope cit., p. 559. Wiener, drawing his inspiration from Montesinos, acknowledges the existence of kings who performed the function of high priests (pirhuas) and later of high priests with the attributes of sovereignty (amautas) be fore the Inca invasion (Essai sur les institutions, etc.). Fidel Lopez writes that, in linking Sinchi Roca with Manco Capac, "Garcilaso crossed out, at a single stroke, four thousand years of Peruvian history" (op. cit., p. 279). It is possible, as Castonnet des Fosses believes, that the first four Incas belong to the realm of mythology (La civilisation de I'ancien Perou, p. 12). 68. Castaing observes that the habit that the monarchs acquired of associat ing their eldest son with them in the exercise of power may account for the discrepancies one finds among the historians in regard to the duration of the reigns of the last of the Incas (Le communisme au Perou, p. 17).

69. According to G. de la Rosa and A. Means, Fernandez Nodal worked out a genealogical tree, entertaining but without scientific value, which is to be found in the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris under the title Los Yncas del imperio Tahuantinsuyo.Mitchell Humphreys calls our atten tion to the discrepancies existing among the various authors who have treated this subject, but does not give the probable list of sovereigns (Dauer und Chronologie der lnkaherrschaft [Rostock, 1903]). In fact, 276 Notes to Pages 22-24 however, the chronologies of the Inca sovereigns given by the chroniclers are not very different from one another: Vaca de Castro in 1542, Gutierrez de Santa Clara in 1544, Betanzos in 1551, Cieza de Le6n in 1553, Sar miento in 1572, Acosta in 1589, Morna in 1590, Garcilaso in 1609, Poma de Ayala in 1613, Cobo in 1683, Herrera in 1728. An ingenious theory recently advanced· by J. Imbelloni, in his Pachacuti IX (El Inkario critico), puts everything in question. This eminent Americanist main tains that the list of emperors compiled in Peru by the chroniclers had been fabricated by the Indians in such a way as to give their history a well-balanced and harmonious appearance. It would thus be a "subjec tive chronology." It is not impossible, in fact, that the Indians should have given a cosmic significance to the reigns of their emperors and that their official history should have been arranged to fit in with their cyclical conceptions of time. The end of a cycle, the crisis, as Imbelloni says, would have come around 1435, in the reign of Pachacutec, whose very name signifies "critical period." But this is still only an hypothesis, and it would be more prudent to accept the data provided by the chroniclers.

Cf. L. Baudin, "L'Inca Pachacutec, reformateur du monde," Annales de l'Universite de Paris (April, 1953). 70. Pacheco Zegarra gives the total area of the empire as 3,750,000 square miles (Ollantay [Paris, 1878], Introduction, p. xiii), but he included about 1,250,000 square miles of Argentine territory, which seems a great exag geration. 71. Ondegardo (op. cit.~ p. 456) asserts that the Incas had reigned for but a short period before the Spanish occupation. He concludes from this that their power, born of conquest, had not yet been legitimized by prescrip tion and that the King of Spain was consequently justified in dethroning them. This curious reasoning is characteristic of the legal mentality of that time. NOTES TO CHAPTER III 1. Ondegardo, "De l',etat du Perou avant la conquete" (F. tr., ch. xii, p. 349); Sarmiento, op. cit.~ ch. xxxii; Means, "A Study, etc.," p. 425; Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung, etc.~ p. 27. Elsewhere in the same book (ch. xxvi) Sarmiento speaks of the enormous increase in the population of the Chancas. Hernando Pizarro noted that the valleys of the coast were very thickly populated ("Letter to the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo, November, 1533," Reports on the Discovery of Peru~ Hakluyt Society Publications, No. 47, p. 122). Cf. also C. de Castro, Relaci6n~ p.

217. 2. Bollaert, Antiquarian~ Ethnological~ etc., p. 133; Rivero and Tschudi, op. cit., p. 205. We may note that the population of the whole of Egypt under the Theban empire did not exceed eight million (Moret, Le Nil et la civilisation ,egyptienne [Paris, 1926], p. 547, n. 3). The general his· tories avoid this difficult subject of the Peruvian population. Von Sapper, basing his conclusions on the possibilities of feeding the ancient In dians, estimates the Andean population at from twelve to fifteen million Notes to Pages 24-25 277 at the end of the fifteenth century ("Die Zahl und die Volkesdichte der indianischen Bevolkerung in Amerika," Proceedings, the 21st Interna tional Congress of Americanists [The Hague, 1924], p. 95). The Spanish demographic statistics of the sixteenth century are fiscal, representing only the taxable inhabitants (from eighteen to fifty years of age), and it is therefore necessary, in order to calculate the whole population, to mul tiply these figures by an arbitrary coefficient-four, four and a half, or five. This is the procedure followed by Lopez de Velasco in his Geografia y descripcion universal de las Indias (1571-74).

3. Cf. infra, ch. xiv. Epidemics seem to have decimated the population on a number of occasions before the Spanish conquest. Cf. Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. lxviii; Montesinos, op. cit., ch. xii and xv; Sarmiento, op. cit., ch. Iii. 4. Juan de Ulloa Mogo1l6n, ("Relaci6n de la provincia de los Collaguas para la descripci6n de las Yndias que S. M. manda hacer," Relaciones geogrdficas, II, 42) maintains that the Indians were less numerous in earlier times than in his day because of the many casualties sustained by the armies of the Inca. This is not correct. The only provinces that suf fered a loss of numbers during the reign of the Incas were those that served as battlefields, like Caiiar. There can be no doubt about the total decrease in population, and the majority of the Spaniards acknowledged it. Cieza de Le6n, in the first part of his chronicle, mentions a large num ber of valleys that had been depopulated since the conquest. Marcos de Niza speaks of territories in which the population had dropped from eighty thousand to four thousand (Relation, F. tr., p. 275). These figures are fantastic, but the fact of depopulation is certain. A. Rosenblatt gives the population figures by countries for the period around 1570 in "EI desarrollo de la poblaci6n indigena de Am,erica," Tierra firme, No. 1 (1935).

5. The Indian population continued to decrease for a long time. According to M. Sobreviela and Narcisso y Barcelo, it must have fallen to four million by the end of the eighteenth century (Voyages au Perou, II, 181). 6. According to the figures cited by the periodical Iberica ([1924], 163), the area of Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and Chile is at present 1,290,000 square miles, and their population numbers 16,000,000 inhabitants, which ap pears to be a maximum figure, since the population at the beginning of this century did not surpass 12,000,000. But the Inca empire did not in clude all this territory, for the eastern part of the first three and the southern part of the last were outside its territories; on the other hand, it included the Andean region northwest of Argentina. 7. Crist6bal de Castro, op. cit., p. 212. The Inca used to give his provincial governors the right to assign wives to their principal officials.

8. Crist6bal de Castro, op. cit., p. 212; F. de Santillan, op. cit., § 17. Among the Chibchas marriage took place by purchase. Cf. Restrepo, Los Chib chas) p. 111. 9. Garcilaso, op. cit., Vol. IV, ch. viii; Betanzos, Suma y narracion, etc., ch. xiii; Las Casas, Apologetica, etc., ch. xcv; Montesinos, op. cit., ch. vi. 10. Morua, op. cit., pp. 196-197.

278 Notes to Pages 25-26 11. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Vol. VI, ch. xxxvi. A description of the Indian family of the present day will be found in the last chapter of this book. 12. Morua, op. cit., p. 193; C. de Castro, op. cit., p. 212. 13. Garcilaso is very clear on this point: "No era Hcito casarse ... sino todos en sus pueblos y dentro en su parentela" ("marriage outside one's town and lineage was prohibited to all"). Cf. op. cit., Vol. IV, ch. viii. Montesinos says the same (op. cit., ch. xix). According to Durkheim and Giddings, exogamy is the rule among primitive peoples (Santillan, Ope cit., § 82). The change to endogamy is probably due to the desire to avoid the breaking up of community property and to hold together the working forces of the group (J. Basadre, Historia, p. 159). According to the latest sociological research, which we shall not discuss here, the orig inal family system among the Peruvians was matriarchal (Cunow, Uhle, Latcham, Bandelier). This is logical as long as a state of sexual anarchy prevails, since the maternal line of descent is the only one possible. When kinship groups were established, sexual taboos (the abhorrence of incest) limited the possibilities of union and led the men to obtain outside their clan the women they needed, first by abduction or war, and later by gift or purchase (C. de Castro and O. Morej6n, Ope cit., p. 232; Vaca de Castro, Discurso, p. 24; J. Mejia Valera, Organizaci6n de la sociedad en el Peru, ch. iv; L. Valcarcel, Del ayllu al imperio). As a result, woman lost her position of eminence and became a thing, a chattel for man, and the matriarchal system was superseded by a patriarchy. Henceforth, woman remained inferior to man, she formed part of the patrimony of the master, she could be given as a gift, and she could be handed down by inheritance (B. Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. III, Bk. XIV, ch. vii). Today the Indian rarely marries outside his clan (Guevara, "Derecho consuetudinario de los indios del Peru."), and there is a tendency toward equality of the sexes, for women play an eminent role in production: they weave, spin, model and decorate pottery, engage in barter, take care of the animals, help in the fields, cultivate the kitchen garden, and prepare the food (L. E. Valcarcel, Historia, p. 156).

14. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxxvi; J. de Mercado de Pefialosa, "Re laci6n de la provincia de Pacajes," Relaciones geograficas, II, 60; the anonymous author of the "Relaci6n de las costumbres antiguas de los naturales del Peru," in J. de la Espada, Tres relaciones de antiguedades peruanas, p. 200;. Acosta, Historia natural, etc., Vol. III, Bk. VI, ch. xviii; Levinus Apollonius, De Peruviae regionis, etc., p. 27. 15. Ondegardo, Relaci6n, p. 60; D. de la Bandera, "Relaci6n," Relaciones geogrdficas, I, 100. As primitive peoples are often monogamous, the existence of polygamy is no index of the degree of civilization attained. 16. This rule is clearly indicated for Santo Domingo: Relaci6n an6nima de las costumbrese usos de los yndios de Santo Domingo, Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XXXV, 566. 17. Suarez, Ope cit., I, 91. 18. Ibid., I, 105; Jij6n y Caamafio, "Puruha," Boletln de la Academia na· cional d~ hi~toria! 192$.

Notes to Pages 26-28 279 19. Suarez, Ope cit., I, 126. 20. Restrepo, op. cit.~ p. 110. Among the Chibchas the chiefs could have several hundred wives, and commoners could possess two or three each, according to their wealth. 21. Wolf, Ecuador~ p. 534. 22. J. de Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru~ ch. vii. On the other hand, it was necessary to prevent the upper class from becoming too large in propor don to the mass of the population. Perrone maintains that this must have been the reason why the Incas condemned the Virgins of the Sun to celibacy. In this way the social classes were kept in balance by the double action of polygamy and the conventual life. "Occoreva limitare il numero dei memhri della casta incasica eliminando alcune delle sue donne in una sacra castita" ("it was necessary to limit the number of members of the Inca caste by eliminating certain women and consecrating them to lives of holy chastity")-Perrone, Il Peni~ p. 35.

23. Relaciones geogrdficas~ I, 82. 24. "Descripcion de la tierra del repartimiento de los Rucanas Antamarcas," Relaciones geogr.dficas~ I, 207; Herrera, Ope cit.~ Dec. V, Bk! IV, ch. iii. 25. Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XVIII, 17. Wives who had remained in Spain were obliged to join their husbands, or else the latter had to go back to Spain. Benzoni refers to these measures at the end of his Historia~ Bk. III. 26. Cf. the letter of Colbert to Talon, February 20, 1668, and Sumner Maine, Ancient Law: Its Connection With the Early History of Society and its Relation to Modern Ideas (New York, 1906). 27. In Thomas More's Utopia and Morelly's Code de la nature~ marriage is obligatory. 28. This is proved by the fact that widows were not obliged to remarry nor barren wives to leave their husbands so that the latter might contract other unions. 29. After the time of the Incas, the practice of compulsory marriage rapidly disappeared, but control over conjugal unions continued to be exercised by the chief of the clan until the seventeenth century in the regions around Lake Titicaca (Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca and Coati~ p.86).

30. Cf. Guevara, Ope cit.; Brehm, Das Inka-Reich~ etc.~ p. 230. We have no way of knowing what the mortality rate was in Peru. The climate of the plateau is salubrious, but it is less so in certain regions along the coast and on the eastern slopes of the Cordillera. Wiener calls attention to the great number of infants' bodies that he found in the tombs at Par munca (Perou et Bolivie, p. 75). Hrdlicka, on the other hand, comments on the fact that the bones of infants are rarely to be found at Chimu (Some Results of Recent Anthropological Exploration in Peru). 31. H. Castro POZO, Nuestra comunidad indigena, p. 10. 32. Squier, Peru, p. 14; eunow, Die soziale Verfassung, etc., p. 24. Squier remarks that in order to replace old buildings by new ones better suited to their needs without losing an inch of territory, the Indians had the 280 Notes to Pages 28-31 former demolished and set up the latter on the same sites, and he men tions this practice as one of the reasons for the disappearance of the monuments of very early days in Peru (op. cit., p. 575).

33. Means, "A Study, etc.," Ope cit., p. 437. 34. G. Collins, "The Origin and Early Distribution of Maize," American Anthropologist, New Series, XXIII (1921), 503; Payne, History of the New World, I, 321. Like many things on the American continent, maize has its element of mystery. Its wild prototype is unknown. It is the only cereal whose origin is lost to us. It was domesticated in the New World, probably in Mexico. It will be recalled that in Longfellow's beautiful poem, The Song of Hiawatha (Part V), Hiawatha, the Indian, encoun ters the "friend of man," slays him, and buries him; then, on his grave, carefully cleared of weeds by the conqueror, warmed by the sun and watered by the rain, there springs up a divine plant-maize. It is strange that in the Old World we should not have discovered for a very long time new plants to domesticate. 35. G6mara, Historia, ch. cxcv; Ondegardo, Relacion, pp. 25 and 34. Accord ing to Tschudi, the people of the plateau could count on one good year in three. (Contribuciones, etc., p. 221.) 36. Europe is indebted to Peru for the potato, the coca plant, and cinchona bark, from which quinine is derived.

37. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VII, ch. xv. 38. The banana, which is at present the pre-eminent nutriment of the In dians of the Ecuador coast, is a native of southeast Asia and was not brought to America until after the time of Columbus, in spite of what Humboldt says to the contrary. 39. Cieza de Leon, Cronica, Pt. I, ch. xciii; Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. I, ch. iv. The natives of the coast of Ecuador had processes for purifying salt from the sea. Cf. G. Suarez, Ope cit., I, 166. 40. Cieza de Leon, ibid., Pt. I, ch. xcix; Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. VIII, Bk. II, ch. xvi. 41. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VII, ch. xix. On the other hand, cf. Wolf, Ope cit., p.467. 42. Tschudi, ibid., p. 55. 43. G. Taton, "Food Animals of the Peruvian Highlands," Proceedings, 21st International Congress of Americanists (GOteborg, 1924). 44. Before the Inca conquest no species of Auchenia existed in what is now the Republic of Ecuador. Suarez, Ope cit., p. 194.

45. Colpaert, Des betes alaine des Andes et de leur acclimatation en Europe (Paris, 1864). Raynal has given a picturesque description of the paco: "The paco is to the llama what the ass is to the horse, a small and subsid iary species, with shorter legs and a more stocky muzzle, but with the same nature, the same manners, the same temperament as the llama" (Histoire philosophique, II, 217). 46. Payne, Ope cit., II, 548; Tschudi, ibid., p. 217. 47. A. de Ulloa, M,emoires philosophiques, etc. (F. tr., Paris, 1787), I, 159. 48. Acosta,op. cit., Bk. I, ch. xl. 49. A. de Ulloa, ibid.

Notes to Pages 31-34 281 50. Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica, Pt. I, ch. cxi. 51. The Pacific Ocean along the shores of Peru abounds in fish, thanks to the Humboldt Current, which has a low saline content and a uniform temperature. Because of this abundance of fish, birds are also very numer ous in these parts, and their excrement forms veritable mounds of guano, a source of wealth for Peru. It has been reckoned that the Chincha Islands are inhabited by about five and a half million birds, which eat more than a thousand tons of fish a day (R. Murphy, op. cit.) p. 79). Lake Titicaca contains six species of fish belonging to two families (Bandelier, op. cit., ch. i, n. 4). In Ecuador, only one fish, the prefiadilla, lives in the lakes at an altitude of between six and ten thousand feet, and above ten thousand feet there are no fish at all (Wolf, op. cit., p. 462). 52. "Comian poca carne" ("they ate little meat"), according to Morua (op.

cit., p. 54), and Ondegardo (Copia de carta, etc., p. 166) says, "Rara vez comen carne" ("they rarely eat meat"). The inhabitants of the Basiliade, the floating islands of Morelly's utopia, are vegetarians ([Messina, 1753], I, 9). 53. Estado del catolicismo, etc., p. 166. 54. Rivet, "Etude sur les Indiens de la region de Riobamba," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, New Series, I (1903). 55. Pereyra, L'oeuvre de l'Espagne en Am,erique (F. tr.), p. 95. 56. Comentarios, Bk. IX, ch. xvi. 57. Even today specialists deplore the lack of cultivated land in Peru (R6mulo A. Ferrero, Tierra y poblaci6n en el Peru). There is an abundant literature on the animals and plants used by the Indians in former times: H. Trimborn, "Die kulturhistorische Stellung der Lamazucht in der Wirtschaft der peruanischen Erntevolker," Anthropos, XXIII (1928), 656; O. F. Cook, El Peru como centro de domesticaci6n de plantas y ani males: E. Yacovleff and F. L. Herrera, "El mundo vegetal de los antiguos peruanos," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima, III (1934), 241; F. L.

Herrera, "Precursores de los estudios botanicos en el departamento del Cuzco," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima, Vol. VII, No. I (1938); Redcliffe N. Salaman, "The Potato in Its Early Home and Its Introduc tion into Europe," Journal of the Royal Horticultural Society (1937); A. Weberbauer, El mundo vegetal de los Andes peruanos (Lima, 1945). NOTES TO CHAPTER IV 1. This ruling class should be called an elite and not a caste, for it was open, under certain conditions, to new members drawn from the mass of the people, whereas a caste is a closed group. 2. Cobo, op. cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxii. 3. Herrera, op. cit., Dec. IV, Bk. IX, ch. iii. 4 Velasco, op. cit., II, 43. 5. P. Angrand, op. cit.~ p. 12. 6. As Letourneau writes in his Evolution de la morale. Cf. Belaunde, El Peru antiguo, etc., ch. viii, p. 73. 7. Prescott, The History of the Conquest of Peru (New York: Modern Li brary, n.d.), p. 816.

282 Notes to Pages 34-39 8. Algarotti, Saggio sopra l'imperio degl' Incas} F. tr. in Mercure de France (1760), II, 92~ To correct to some extent the absurdity of this statement, the translator of the edition of 1769 wrote: "They preached with sword in hand and fought with the crosier" (Lettres sur la Russie) p. 304). 9. An example of this confusion may be found in Payne's History of the New World} II, 548. Wiener (op. cit.) p. 714) is one of those who have seen this point most clearly, as have also Markham (The Incas of Peru) p. 98) and A. Reville (Histoire des religions Paris, 1885, II, 369). 10. Morua, Ope cit. p. 20. 11. Morua, ibid. 12. Garcilaso, Ope cit.} Bk. II, ch. H. 13. Garcilaso, loco cit. A more extended discussion may be found in the chap ter devoted to religion in the time of the Incas in Bloud and Gay's col lective work on the history of religion (Paris, 1958), V, 73. 14. "Among the Greeks and the Romans, as among the Hindus, the law was at first a part of the religion." F. de Coulanges, La cite antique (4th ed.; Paris, 1872), p. 221.

15. The law against drunkenness, for example, was interpreted by the amautas to mean that punishment should be inflicted only upon those who were so drunk as to have lost their reason. Anon., "Relaci6n de las costumbres antiguas de los naturales del Pin!," Tres relaci6nes, p. 200. 16. Brehm, Ope cit.} p. 201; Hanstein, Die Welt des Inka} p. 30. Brehm bases his assertions on the anonymous account cited above in the Tres rela ciones of J. de la Espada, p. 200. 17. Carta para el Dr. de Liebana} p. 153. The Spanish writers who were acquainted with the laws of the Incas, such as Garcilaso, asserted that they were general in character. Those, on the other hand, who were primarily familiar with local customs were struck by their diversity and went so far as to deny the existence of imperial laws. Thus, Santillan writes: "It does not seem to me that the Incas had definite laws on every subject" (Relaci6n) § 12).

18. Ondegardo, Relaci6n J p. 64. 19. Principles of Sociology (New York, 1910), Vol. II, p. 521. 20. Hamy, "Notes sur six anciens portraits d'Incas du Perou conserves au Musee d'ethnographie du Trocadero." Compte rendu a I'Academie des inscriptions et belles-l.ettres (1897). 21. R. Falb seeks to prove that the borla was the symbol of the snake (Das Land der Inca) in seiner Bedeutung filr die Urgeschichte des Sprache und Schrift [Leipzig, 1883], p. 195). 22. Garcilaso declares that this bird is very rare, and Prescott repeats this assertion. The present writer can assure his readers that this is not the case, for he has killed such a bird himself on the slopes of Mount Coto paxi. 23. De Rivero and Tschudi estimate that as many as eight thousand people attended the court of the Inca, but we do not know on what documents they base this fantastic figure, which Cevallos copies without comment.

Cf. Rivero and Tschudi, Ope cit.} p. 207; Cevallos, Resumen de la his toria del Ecuador} etc.} p. 126. We find mention of a wardrobe master in Noles to Pages 39-41 283 Informacion hecha en el Cuzco el 13 de mayo de 1571 (Colecci6n de libros espafioles raros 6 curiosos, XVI, 211). Cf. also Garcilaso, Ope cit.~ Pt. I, Bk. VI, ch. iii; Vol. II, pp. 207-208 of Markham's English transla tion (1869-71). 24. F. de Jerez, Verdadera relacion~ p. 335; Zarate, Historia~ ch. xi; Las Casas, Apologetica~ ch. cclv. The same ceremonial was customary among the Chibchas of Colombia. Joyce, Ope cit.~ p. 18; Oviedo y Valdes, Historia general~ Pt. II, Bk. XXVI, ch. xxiii. 25. F. de Jerez, loco cit.; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion~ p. 247; G6mara, Ope cit.~ ch. cxx; Oviedo y Valdes, Ope cit.~ Pt. II, Bk. IV, ch. ix; Morua, Ope cit.~ p.84. 26. Garcilaso, Ope cit.} Bk. VII, ch. x. 27. Prescott, Ope cit.~ 816. 28. Prescott, Ope cit.~ 817.

29. "Varias noticias curiosas sobre la provincia de Popayan," Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias~ V, 487. 30. Comentarios~ Bk. IX, ch. xi. 31. Zarate, Ope cit.~ Bk. I, ch. vi; G6mara, Ope cit.~ Pt. I, p. 227; Herrera, Ope cit.~ Dec. IV, Bk. VII, ch xi 32. Restrepo, Ope cit.~ pp. 92, 113, 210. 33. Human sacrifices probably had not disappeared entirely, since all the authors, with the exception of Garcilaso-who is highly suspect on this point-speak of them. Near the temple of Pachacamac mummies have been found of young women who had met with violent deaths and been buried with their personal belongings about them, which implies that these were not cases of virgins condemned to death for having committed a crime (M. Uhle, Pachacamac [Philadelphia, 1903], p. 86). It is quite possible, as is maintained by the anonymous author of the narrative in Tres relaciones (p. 144), that in Peru animals had come gradually to replace men on the sacrificial altar. Even so harsh a critic as the monk Vicente de Valverde acknowledges that the Peruvians did not sacrifice human beings except in a few provinces ("Lettre a Charles-Quint,"

Cuzco, April 2, 1939, ms. in Helps, The Spanish Conquest~ etc.~ III, 343). Opinions differ on the meaning of these sacrifices. Cf. R. Karsten, The Civilization of the South American Indians (London, 1926), pp. 404 et seq. 34. Cf. infra~ ch. ix. 35. Calancha, Ope cit.~ Bk. I, ch. xv, p. 98. Cf. Revista del Archivo hist6rico del Cuzc(J~ No.4 (1953), p. 91, and Montaigne, Essays~ III, vi: "But as for piety, observance of the laws, goodness, liberality, loyalty, and frank ness, it served us well not to have as much as they [the Peruvians]: by their advantage in this they lost, sold, and betrayed themselves." 36. Brehm, Ope cit.~ p. 39; Lorente, Historia antigua~ etc.~ p. 21; Buschan, Illustrierte Volkerkunde (Stuttgart, 1922), I, 384; Trimborn, "Der Kollek tivismus der Inkas in Peru," Anthropos~ 1923-24, p. 996. Copying the epithets used by Tschudi, J. Friederici describes the Incas as "Autokraten wie die Geschichte keine absoluteren kennt, Tyrannen im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes" ("the most absolute autocrats known to history, tyrants 284 Notes to Pages 41-43 in the truest sense of the word") in his Der Charakter der Entdeckung und Eroberung Amerikas durch die Europiier (Stuttgart, 1925), I, 242.

Martens at least acknowledges that the orejones enjoyed a certain measure of independence (Unetat socialiste, p. 59). 37. Relacion, p. 210. 38. Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xxxix. Urco had probably not yet become the Inca, but he had already been named by his father as heir to the throne. Markham, The Incas of Peru, p. 82; Sarmiento, Ope cit., ch. xxix. 39. Histoire du Perou (F. tr.), p. 57. 40. Morua, Ope cit., pp. 98, 99, 117, 121, 131; Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxv. Montesinos, in speaking of the retinue of the Inca, also mentions the councillors (op. cit., ch. xxii). 41. Ope cit., p. 307. 42. Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. I, ch. xii. 43. Morua asserts that the Incas used to drink from vessels made of a cer tain precious wood that ·had the property of serving as an antidote to poison (op. cit., p. 115), but no other author confirms this. 44. Garcilaso is mistaken when he writes: "The Incas themselves do not com mit any offense because they have no occasion to do so" (op. cit., Bk.

II, ch. xv). Perrone makes the same error (op. cit., p. 345). 45. This custom, according to Cobo, dates only from the time of Tupac Yupanqui (op. cit., Vol. III, Bk. XII, ch. xiv). 46. Fernandez de Palencia gives information on this subject that is not corroborated by any other author. According to him, the Incas never married a sister who was born of the same mother, but another sister, who had to be their first wife and who became the Koya. Historia, Pt. II, Bk. III, ch. V. 47. Morua, Ope cit., p. 129; Santillan, Relaci6n, § 18; Castro, Ope cit., p. 216. 48. Here again the account given by Fernandez de Palencia deviates from that of other authors. According to him, when the Koya had no son, the leading men of the realm would choose an heir from among the children of the Inca's other wives, and. the Koya would adopt him as her own (loc. cit.). 49. Las Casas, De las antiguas gentes del Peru (Colecci6n de libros espafioles raros 6 curiosos, XXI, 215); Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. IV, ch. xx. In the ancient Peruvian drama Ollantay we find the following significant bit of dialogue: Lightfoot (a commoner): Who, then, is to take the place left vacant by Pacha cutec? If Tupac Yupanqui succeeds him, many others will be ousted. This Inca is a minor, and there are others who are of age.

The astrologer: All Cuzco has elected him, and the king has left him his crown and sceptre. How can another be elected? The term "elected" must be understood here in the sense of "chosen" or "designated," and by "all Cuzco" the astrologer means the whole Notes to Pages 43-46 285 group of the orejones J most of them of royal stock, who formed the major part of the population of the capital. This passage clearly shows the great influence exercised by the elite. Cf. also Poma de Ayala, Nueva cor6nicaJ p. 109; B. Cobo, Ope cit'J Vol. IV, Bk. XIII, ch. xiii and xiv; De Diez Canseco, Pachacutec Ina Yupanqui, p. 237. 50. Marcos de Niza, op. cit'J p. 303. 51. Five of these mummies, in a state of perfect preservation, were dis covered by Ondegardo when he was corregidor of Cuzco. The impression made in Peru by the death of Atahualpa, even though he was a usurper, was enormous. A large number of Indians committed suicide in order to follow the monarch into, the other world. Herrera, op. cit.J Dec. V, Bk.

III, ch. v. 52. Cf. Baudin, Le probleme des elites (Paris, 1943); Manuel d'economie politique (6th ed., 1950), I, 93; L'aube d'un nouveau liberalisme (Paris, 1953), ch. viii; and, on the same subject, by the same author, in Spanish, Revista de derecho (Santiago de Chile, July, 1947), p. 65. The Russian soviet system has nothing in common with that of the Incas; its criterion is adherence to the party (C. Gide, La Russie sovietique J p. 9). 53. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. IV, ch. xix. 54. Montesinos, op. cit'J ch. xiv and xv; Bingham, Inca Land J p. 310. 55. Tschudi, "Contribuciones, etc.," op. cit. De Beauchamp writes that the amautas were essentially poets. 56. Morua, op. cit.J p. 123. 57. The endurance races required of young Indians from fourteen to sixteen years of age in certain communities is a survival of this test (J. Delgado, Organizaci6n de la propiedad rural en la sierra). 58. Garcilaso, op. cit'J Bk. VI, ch. xxv; L. Baudin, "La formation de l'elite et l'enseignement de l'histoire dans I'empire des Inka," Revue des etudes historiques J April, 1927.

59. Rouma notes that the Japanese gods of happiness are distinguished by the exaggerated development of their ear-Iobes-a remark that the prob able Asiatic origin of the Indians makes particularly interesting (La civilisation des IncasJ p. 25, n. 2). Proof that this custom in South America antedated the Incas is the fact that the right to wear earrings was granted among certain tribes as a reward for service, for example in the Yucay valley (Joyce, Ope cit., p. 129) and among the Chibchas of Columbia (Piedrahita, Historia general, etc. [Antwerp, 1688], Pt. I, Bk. II, ch. iv). In Mexico likewise, the chiefs used to give earrings to the warriors who had distinguished themselves in combat (S. Blondel, Re cherches sur les bijoux des peuples primitifs [Paris, 1876], p. 38). 60. This remarkable system of educating the elite was not peculiar to the Incas. A curious kind of initiation existed among the Chibchas. Th'e young men who were destined to become caciques were condemned to live in seclusion from five to seven years. They were forbidden all intercoursewith women and had to submit to certain tests before being recognized as chiefs (Piedrahita, op. cit.J Pte I, Bk. I, ch. v; Restrepo, Ope cit., p. 98).

61. We do not know on what grounds C. Mead writes that the physical type 286 Notes to Pages 46-49 of the Incas was different from that of the other Indians; he cites 110 authority for this statement (Old Civilizations of Inca Land) p. 19). 62. Comentarios} Bk. VII, ch. i. Prescott doubts their existence, but De la Riva-Agiiero confirms it (op. cit.) p. 554). Cf. Cobo, Ope cit.} Bk. XII, ch. xxvii. 63. Historia} Pt. II, Bk. III, ch. v. Lorente assumes that the Incas by privilege were descendants of the original companions of the Inca conquerors (op. cit.) p. 236). 64. Betanzos, Ope cit.} ch. xvi. According to Marcos de Niza (op. cit.) p. 286), there were once two kinds of orejones} one that shaved their heads and another that let their hair grow, and the former triumphed over the latter after a civil war. No other author confirms these very vague indica tions. 65. Estete, in Jerez, op. cit.} p. 341.

66. Garcilaso, Ope cit.} Bk. II, ch. ix; Bk. V, ch. viii; Markham, The Incas of Peru} ch. viii; Arriaga, Extirpacion de la idolatrla} etc., passim. Certain priests were responsible for the upkeep of the temple; others took charge of the sacrifices. There may also have been religious communities and hermits ("Relaci6n an6nima de las costumbres antiguas de los naturales del Pinl," Tres relaciones) etc., p. 172). There was a special method for recruiting members of the clergy. All individuals who had anything about them that was out of the ordinary would go into the service of the temples, whether their singularity was something physical, like epilepsy, or due to some particular circumstances of their birth or their life (children who had been born feet first or during a storm,. twins, people crippled from birth, Indians who had been struck by lightning but not killed). Here again we find the same idea that is at the root of the cult of the huacas of which we have spoken: the divinization of anomalies.

67. Morua, Ope cit.} Bk. I, pp. 39, 45; Markham, Ope cit.} ch. viii. 6S. Morua, Ope cit.} pp. 199 et seq. 69. L. E. Valcarcel, Historia de la cultura antigua del Peru} p. 154. 70. Garcilaso, Ope cit.} Bk. IV, ch. i and ii; "Relaci6n de la religi6n y ritos del Peru" (Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru, XI, 39). Cf. Pareto, Traite de sociologie generale (Paris, 1917), I, 416. 71. For example, Hanstein, Ope cit.} p. 59. Cf. R. Karsten, Ope cit.} p. 396. The houses of the Virgins of the Sun were built with a series of cells opening on a central court. Traces of them have been found at Pacha camac and on the island of Coati (G. Buschan, op. cit.) p. 406). For an example of this confusion in the chronicles themselves, see R. Porras Barrenechea, Una relacion inedita de la conquista del Peru (episode of the arrival of the Spanish advance guard at Caxas, where, according to the narrator, there were three houses of "Virgins of the Sun"). This con fusion, according to E. de Gandia, is the origin of the myth of the Amazons (Historia critica de los mitos de la conquista americana) p. 8S).

72. Hernando Pizarro, Ope cit.} p. 121. 73. The Islands of Titicaca, etc., Pt. IV, n. 67.

Notes to Pages 49-52 287 74. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. IV, ch. iii and vii. 75. Falcon, Representaci6n~ etc., p. 153. Castaing remarks humorously: "The right-thinking curacas received investiture" (op. cit., p. 19). 76. De la Riva-Agiiero, "Examen, etc.," Ope cit. 77. Relaci6n~ §19. 78. This prepossession is expressed in the "Informaciones" (Colecci6n de libros espafioles raros 6 curiosos, XVI, 189). Sarmiento, with the same end in view. m.a~nta~ns that the curacas "Were removed by the Incas and replaced by appointed officials (op. cit., ch. 1). 79. These youths served at the same time as hostages. It was with the same purpose that the Pharaoh also would often take away the son of some noble and bring him up with his own children (Maspero, H istoire ancienne des peuples de l'Orient classique [Paris, 1895J, I, 300). 80. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxv; Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. IV, ch. i and iii; D. Cabeza de Vaca, "Descripci6n y relaci6n de la dudad de la Paz,"

Relaciones geogrdficas~ II, 72. 81. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. IX, ch. X. 82. "Aprobo las erencias de los estados y sefiorlos, conforme a la antigua costumbre de cada provincia 0 reyno" ("the inheritance of rank and authority was determined in accordance with local custom").-Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxvi. Cf. Bello Gayoso, "Re1ad6n que envio a mandar S. M. se hiziese desta ciudad de Cuenca y de toda su provincia," Relaciones geogrdficas.. III, 217. 83. Damian de la Bandera, Ope cit., p. 101. 84. Betanzos, Ope cit., p. 77. 85. Sarmiento, Ope cit ... ch. 1 and Iii. 86. H. Trimborn, "Familien und Erbrecht im prakolumbischen Peru," Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, 1937, p. 352. 87. Historia .. Vol. II, Ek. II, §8. 88. Balboa, Histoire du Perou (F. tr.), ch. ix. Sarmiento tells a similar story, but with less detail (op. cit., ch. Ii). 89. Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xviii. In the Quechua language, yana means "servant,"

and cuna is the sign of the plural. Gomara, in his H istoria general, con fuses the yanacuna with the mitimaes, and Beuchat does the same (Manuel~ p. 601). 90. Ondegardo, Relaci6n, p. 96; C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 218; Balboa, loco cit. Pareto is wrong in describing the yanacuna as serfs and in believing that there were a great number of them (Systemes socialistes [Paris, 1902], 1, 189 et seq ...· Cours d'economie politique [Lausanne, 1897], II, 361). 91. Santillan, Ope cit., §ll. 92. Like the father of Alonso Cuxi IlIa, whose interrogation by the Spanish investigators in 1571 is reported in "Informacion hecha en el valle de Yucay" (Colecci6n de libros espafioles raros 0 curiosos, XVI, 216). 93. Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica, Pt. II, pp. 61 and 63. 94. It was thus that one of Tupac Yupanqui's servants became an official at Huallpa, near Cuzco ("Informacion hecha en el valle de Yucay," Ope cit., p. 215); Santillan, Ope cit., §§34 and 36; Trimborn, "Der Kollek· tivismus, etc.," Ope cit., p. 999.

288 Notes to Pages 53-55 95. Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XXV, 241. 96. Histoire du Perou, loco cit. 97. Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, VI, 221. 98. Gobierno del Peru, ch. viii. 99. Lugones, El imperio jesuitico (2nd ed.; Buenos Aires, 1908), p. 135; Pablo Hernandez, Organizaci6n social de las doctrinas guaranies de la Compania de Jesus (Barcelona, 1913), II, 93. We make no mention of such obvious errors as that of the editor who, in a note on an article by A. Ugarte, explains that the yanacona was a piece of land allotted to a yana (Inter-America, October, 1923, p. 36, n. 5). 100. "Lettre de l'eveque de Cuzco" (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, III, 92). Officially, the enslavement of the Indians was abolished in 1542 and again in 1553, and a special administration was made re sponsible for the enforcement of this law. 101. Santillan, op. cit., §83; Herrera, op. cit., Dec. V, Bk. X, ch. viii.

102. Matienzo, op. cit., p. 74. The ordenanzas de tambos of 1543 make reference to the depradations committed by the yanacuna in the tambos along the highways (Revista hist6rica de Lima, 1908, p. 496). 103. Velasco, op. cit., II, 45. 104. Velasco, loco cit. Cobo exaggerates when he says, in speaking of the army, "Era el unico titulo para adelantarse en puestos honorosos, y apenas habia otro camino que este por donde viniesen a subir y valer" ("it was the only avenue by which one could advance to positions of honor, and there was hardly any other way than this by which they rose in influence and importance").-Historia, Bk. XIV, ch. ix. 105. Joyce, op. cit., p. 129. 106. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. I, ch. xxii. 107. Garcilaso cites eleven words from the special language used by the Incas, but declares that he does not know the meaning of ten of them. Markham doubts the existence of this language and assumes that Gar cilaso's error comes from the Incas' use of certain words in a sense dif ferent from that given to them in ordinary usage ("On the Geographical Positions of the Tribes Which Formed the Empire of the Yncas,"

Journal of the Royal Geographical Society XLI [1871], 292). Tschudi and Brinton likewise' deny the existence of this language (Organismus der Khetsua-Sprache [Leipzig, 1884], p. 65; The American Race [New York, 1891], p. 204). However, the Chanes, who settled on the east of the Bolivian Andes and were conquered by the Guaranis, have preserved a secret language, Arawak, which was their own tongue in earlier days (Rivet, "Les langues americaines," in Meillet and Cohen, Les langues du monde [Paris, 1924], p. 692). 108. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxxv. 109. What was the numerical proportion of the elite to the rest of the popula tion? We do not know. The families of the high officials, and especially of the Incas, being polygamous, were no doubt appreciably larger than those of the hatunruna. Means estimates the ruling class as comprising about one hundred thousand persons, but this figure is hypothetical (Means, "A Study, etc.," op. cit., p. 457).

NOTES TO CHAPTER V Notes to Pages 56-58 289 1. Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung, etc.; Felix Cosio, "La propiedad colectiva del ayllu," Revista universitaria del Cuzco, September, 1916, p. 21; J. Friederici, op. cit., p. 250. 2. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. I, ch. xv. 3. Joyce, "The Clan-Ancestor in Animal Form as Depicted on the Ancient Pottery of the Peruvian Coast," Man .. XIII (191&), 11&. 4. "Cada ayllu dene su principio" ("every ayllu has its totem").-Arriaga, op. cit., ch. vii, p. 40. 5. Cuneo Vidal, "EI concepto del ayllu," Boletin de la Socieded geogrdfica de Lima, XXX (1914), 4-9. Beuchat (op. cit., Pt. IV, ch. vii) translates ayllu as "clan," and Trimborn as Sippe ("kin") in "Der Kollektivismus, etc.," op. cit. 6. Tello and Miranda, "Wallalo," ch. iii. 7. Tello and Miranda, ibid., ch. v. 8~ Monnier, Des Andes au Para (Paris, 1890), p. 267; P. Walle, Le Perou economique (Paris, 1908), p. 74. Herbert Spencer exaggerates when he says that the ancient Peruvians submitted to a rigid social system based on an ancestor cult so complicated that the living were virtually the slaves of the dead (Principles of Sociology, I, 291).

9. In El ayllu (Paris, 1913). 10. "Viewed from the historical point of view, the clans begin by being combinations of kinsmen, and end by being territorial communities" (Vinogradoff, Outlines of Historical Jurisprudence [London, 1920], I, 324). The clans of Peru are similar to the nomes of ancient Egypt. 11. Sarmiento, op. cit., ch. xix; Cobo, op. cit., Vol. III, Bk. XII, ch. iv. The list of the descendants of the Inca ayllus, taken from the documents in the Archives of the Indies, appears at the end of the first volume of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru." Ac cording to Sarmiento, there were ten ayllus of the original companions of the first Inca conquerors and eleven others derived from royal stock that made their appearance later. eunow has criticized Sarmiento on this point. But Uhle refutes these criticisms ("Los origenes de los Incas," op. cit., p. 302). According to Fernandez de Palencia, four ayllus were regarded as purely Inca: "Aiia Cuzco, Hullin Cuzco, Tambo, Maxca"

(Historia, Pt. II, Bk. III, ch. v). But these are territorial, not kinship, groups, as Inca ayllus would have to be. Sarmiento reports also that every Inca chose a particular idol-a falcon, a fish, a golden image, the light ning (op. cit., ch. xxv, xxxi, xlvii, liv, lxii). 12. "Los antecedentes hist6ricos del regimen agrario peruano," Revista uni versitaria de Lima, 1923, p. 336. The chroniclers sometimes translate ayllu as "settlement" (pueblo). However vague the meaning of the latter word, it always denotes a territorial group or unit, and not a people. The clan was localized. 13. Op. cit., II, 44; Saavedra, op. cit. 14. Op. cit., p. 350. 15. The Incas of Peru, ch. ii.

290 Notes to Pages 58-60 16. "Das Fundament der alten Organisation war die Ayllu oder Pachaca. Sie bildete meist zugleich eine Dorfschaft, die einen Theil des Stammes gebietes als ihr Eigen in Besitz hatte. Ein solcher Hundertschafts-Bezirk wurde 'Marca' genannt" ("the basis of the old organization was the ayllu or pachaca, generally consisting of a village community which pos sessed a part of the tribal territory. The area occupied by such a com munity unit of one hundred was called the marca").-Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung, etc.) p. 39. 17. McBride uses the word marca to denote the territory occupied by a community formed of several ayllus (The Agrarian Communities of Highland Bolivia, p. 5). Town or village names ending in marka or marca are found very frequently on the inter-Andean plateau. 18. Cunow, Ope cit., p. 45. 19. Bingham, "In the Wonderland of Peru," National Geographic Magazine, Vol. XXIV, No.4 (1913), p. 468.

20. The head of a group of ayllus became the sinchi (Means, "La civilizaci6n precolombina de los Andes," Ope cit., p. 229). 21. Historia general, I, 233. However, in order to fit into the Incas' decimal system of administration, alien elements were sometimes added to the community, or some of its own members were subtracted from it, to round out the statistics (see below, ch. vi). 22. Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. IV, ch. iii. 23. Damian de la Bandera, Ope cit., p. 100. 24. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 82. 25. Cieza deLeon, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xix; Las Casas, Apologetica, clxxxi. 26. The Peruvians divided the year into lunar months. The first Council of Lima, which fixed the order of the months, retained the Quechua names. Thus, hatun pocoy (the period from February 22 to March 22) signifies "great ripening," because the maize ripens very much at this time; and ayrihua (the period from April 22 to May 22) means "harvest."

Cf. Poma de Ayala, Ope cit., pp. 1131-1157. 27. "Memoria dado al Rey" (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, VI, 533). 28. Historia, Bk. XIV, ch. viii. The land was invested with a divine char acter under the name of Mama Pacha, "Mother Earth," as among the Aztecs (cf. D. G. Brinton, Religions of Primitive People [New York, 1897], p. 145). The cult of the Sun is itself a cult of agricultural workers, since it is the light of day that regulates the order of the labors of the field. 29. The comunidad indigena (native community) of Peru is sometimes com pared to the Soviet kolkhoz (collective farm). However, these are two very different types of agricultural systems. In the first place, the Peruvian community was of spontaneous origin, regulated by custom, autonomous, and localized; whereas the Russian collective farm was created by legis lative fiat and remains under the supervision of the agents of the Com munist Party. Moreover, the Indians were creatures of routine, distrust ful of innovations; whereas the Russian rulers have taken over vast domains in order to use modern techniques of cultivation, especially machines. Finally, the Peruvian communities were separate and selfNotes to Pages 61-63 291 sustaining units, as opposed to the kolkhozes J which form part of an integrated whole and whose products enter into the framework of a general plan. Cf. L. Baudin, "Indiens et moujiks," France-Amerique latine J March, 1931, p. 77; Les Incas du Perou (new ed.; Paris, 1944), p.

161; and L'utopie sovietique (Paris, 1937), p. 23. Pittard is mistaken in speaking of the "communism" of the Incas and comparing it to that of present-day Russia (Les races et fhistoire [Paris, 1924], pp. 551-556). Montesinos tells us briefly that the Inca Roca decreed the common distribu tion of the fruits of the soil, but that this rule was later violated. Is it possible that at one time an attempt was made to establish a true system of communism? We have no evidence on this point (Montesinos, Ope cit' J ch. xix). 30. Bandelier does not believe that the Indians planted trees (The Islands of Titicaca J etc'J Pt. IV, n. 58). The multiplicity and variety of local customs makes it impossible to make any unconditional generalizations. The information in the text is accurate in the main. Thus, even today, in a part of the Atacama district, the land belongs to the community, and the houses to individuals; but it is quite possible that in certain regions the dwellings built by the community remain collective property.

The account given by Castro, on which Trimborn bases his assertion that houses were privately owned, deals only with conditions in the valley of Chincha (Castro, Ope cit' J p. 216; Trimborn, "Der Kollektivis mus, etc.," Ope cit' J p. 587). It is likewise possible that in some districts the land was privately owned, as we shall see later on. Evidently, too, the laws relating to the bequest and inheritance of private property, whatever form it might take, also varied with the region. In this same valley of Chinch a, it was the custom for property to be left to which ever son seemed the most capable, on the understanding that this would redound to the benefit of the rest of the family, and a woman could never be a legatee (Castro, loco cit.). In the province of Huamanca, the curaca selected his heir from among his sons and bequeathed most of his property to him, leaving the rest to be divided equally among the other sons. (De la Bandera, Ope cit' J p. 101.) 31. C. de Stefani, "Di alcune propieta collettive nell' Appennino et degli ordinamenti relativi," Archivio per l'antropologia e la etnologia J Vol.

XVIII, No.1 (Florence, 1888). 32. Ondegardo, Ope cit' J p. 16; Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica J Pt. II, ch. xxiv; Balboa, Ope cit' J ch. ix; Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxiv. 33. J. de la Espada, Relaciones geogrdficas J Vol. I, Appendix; Introduction, No.3. Cf. the order for resettlement in the "Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias," Vol. XVIII, p. 514. 34. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. xiv; Damian de la Bandera, Ope cit' J p. 98. 35. Excellent photographs of these terraces may be found in Bingham, "In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit., p. 515. Cf. also Schmidt, Die materielle Wirtschaft bei den Naturvolkern (Leipzig, 1913), p. 49. 36. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., Pt. III, n. 64. 37. Near Salamanca, for example. Isiah Bowman, The Andes of Southern Peru (London, 1920), p. 59.

292 Notes to Pages 63-65 38. Historia de Copacabana, p. 8. 39. Joyce, Ope cit., ch. x. 40. Joyce, loco cit.; Wiener, p.erou et Bolivie, p. 543. 41. Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," Ope cit., p. 112; Bastian, Die Kulturliinder des alten Amerika., II, 69; Hutchinson, Two Years in Peru, I, 125. Wiener tells of a traveler who, having discovered traces of former cultivation in a desert area some leagues from Trujillo, looked for the irrigation canal, discovered its remains, had it rebuilt, and became a multimillionaire (Perou et Bolivie, p. 107). Good irrigation has had surprising results in the warm regions of the coast. The Nazca valley was transformed into a veritable paradise in ancient times (Markham, The Incas of Peru., ch. xii), and even today one finds in this valley a maze of subterranean channels whose design still has not been traced out (E. Villar y C6rdova, "La educaci6n incaica," Revista universitaria de Lima, 1926, p. 498).

42. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. iv. 43. Historia natural, Vol. I, Bk. III, ch. xviii. It also recalls the rule adopted by the Mormons on the shores of the Great Salt Lake, but among them every member of the community was authorized to draw water in an amount proportional to the work he had performed in the construction of the canal. This simple detail suffices to measure the difference between the authoritarian regime of the Peruvians and the system of cooperation that existed among the Americans (Hamilton Gardner, "Cooperation Among Mormons," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1917). 44. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. xiv; Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, che xxiv; Betanzos, Ope cit., ch. xii; Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," Ope cit., p. 173. 45. Fuero general de Navarra, Bk. III, Sec. IV, ch. vi. 46. J. Costa, Colectivismo agrario en Espana (Madrid, 1898), p. 556. 47. Reclus, Ope cit.., XVIII, 539; L'homme et fa terre, IV, 431; Wiener, Essai, etc., ch. iv; Lorente, Ope cit., p. 241; Pret, Les institutions, etc.

48. Algarotti, Ope cit., p. 307; Marmontel, Les Incas (Paris, 1777), p. 30; Spen cer, Principles of Sociology, II, 8; Markham, The Incas of Peru, ch. xi, and Introduction to Sarmiento, History of the Incas (E. tr., Cambridge, 1907), p. xv; Lindner, Weltgeschichte seit der Volkerwanderung (Stutt gart, 1901-05), IV, 423. Hanstein declares that fields and crops were di vided into three equal parts (op. cit .., p. 34). 49. Un etat socialist,e au XVieme siecle, p. 62. 50. Geographie universelle, XVIII, 540. It is curious to note that this great geographer is one of the authors with the least understanding of the spirit of Peruvian institutions. Wiener was completely mistaken in his description of the agrarian system, and it is unfortunate that Reclus and several other contemporary writers have uncritically accepted his asser tions. 51. Relacion, pp. 18 and 32. Cf. also "Carta al Dr. de Liebana" (Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru, IV, 154).

52. Historia, Bk. XII, ch. xxviii.

Notes to Pages 65-66 293 53. Historia natura17 Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xv, cited by Garcilaso, Ope cit' 7 Bk. V, ch. v. 54. In ancient Japan the Emperor used to divide the land among his sub jects. Every man had the right to one lot of a given area and every woman to two-thirds of this allotment. The family (ko) worked in com mon all the lots accruing to its members (Tokulo Fukuda, Die gesell schattliche und wirtschattliche Entwickelung in Japan [Stuttgart, 1900]). bb. Prescott, oj>. cit.~ p. '7];6, n. 14. 56. Manue1 7 p. 605, n. 1. 57. J. de la Espada, Biblioteca hispano-ultramarina 7 V, 53; Markham, E. tr. of Pt. II of Cieza de Le6n, Cronica (London, 1883), p. 43, n. 1. 58. Castonnet des Fosses, Ope cit' 7 p. 26; Perrone, Ope cit'7 p. 352. 59. The tanega7 which is of Arabic origin, never had, even in Spain, the same value in every region, whether it was considered as a unit of capacity or of area. If the different values are carefully examined, the variations among those of the fanega taken as a unit of capacity are seen to be much less than the variations among those of the fanega consid ered as a unit of area. With some three exceptions, in the provinces where the word is used in both senses the value of the fanega as a meas ure of capacity varies from 49 to 52 quarts (U. S. dry measure), while that of the fanega as a unit of area varies (the same three provinces being excepted) from 2,300 to 7,000 square yards. It follows that the fanega is in fact a measure of capacity and that it has had an accessory use as a measure of land areas. It is equivalent to about 50 quarts (U. S.

dry measure), and, by extension, it was used to denote the area necessary to produce 50 quarts (i.e., 6~ pecks) of grain, an area that would inev itably vary according to the region. Let us note further that the word tupu in Peru referred to an area, not to a capacity. The preColumbian measure of capacity among the Indians was the pocha. 60. "De la orden que los indios tenyan, etc.," p. 102. 61. Tello and Miranda, Ope cit.} p. 533. McBride estimates that the parcel allotted to the head of a family in the periodic land apportionment that takes place in Bolivian communities at the present time is about twenty four acres (op. cit.) p. 6). During the attempt at socialism carried out in China in the eleventh century there was an annual distribution of land, each group of ten families receiving one parcel (Caubert, "Un essai de socialisme en Chine au XIi erne siecle," Seances et travaux de l'Academie des sciences morales et politiques 7 1895, p. 763).

62. The officials of the Protectorate calculate in each province the area of land necessary for the support of one tent. On an average this amounts to about twenty-five acres of arable land and an equal area of pasturage. This is the equivalent of the tupu 7 and, let us note, it is a unit that varies with the fertility of the soil. The land area that each tribe is obliged to maintain is obtained by multiplying this unit by the number of tents in the tribe. Only the surplus can be disposed of. It may be bought by the Protectorate (L. Baudin, "Le regime des terres au Maroc et la colonisation fran~aise," Revue des sciences politiques 7 April, 1926, p. 203).

294 Notes to Pages 67-71 63. Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. i. 64. McBride, Ope cit.) p. 6. The same is true in the Casta region, where each family has two or more parcels, so that it can harvest the products of both cold and temperate zones of cultivation (Tello and Miranda, Ope cit., p. 506). 65. History of the Conquest of Peru (1829), I, 29 (Modern Library ed., Random House, n. d., p. 757). The same point of view is taken by Helps, Ope cit., III, 352; C. Ugarte, "Los antecedentes historicos, etc.," Ope cit., p. 354; Latcham, La existencia, etc." p. 43; B. Cisneros~ "Las comunidades de indfgenas en el Peru," Revista universitaria de Lima, 1919, p. 451; F. Garda Calderon, Le Perou contemporain (Paris, 1907), p. 18, n. 1. Wiener declares that the individual tenants had the usufruct for life of the lands granted to them (op. cit., ch. iv). F. Cosio assumes that the partition applied only to parcels of land assigned each year to newly married couples (op. cit.).

66. Historia natural, Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xv. 67. Relaci6n" p. 32; "Copia de carta, etc.," Ope cit., p. 458. 68. Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. IV, ch. ii; Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. V. 69. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxviii. 70. Caesar De b,ello gallico vi. 22 and iv. 1; Tacitus De moribus Germanorum 26. 71. J. Costa, Ope cit., p. 340. 72. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. i. This is also the opinion of De Carli, Delle lettere americane (F. tr.), I, 230; of Propiac, Beautes de l~histoire du Perou" p. 43; and of Beuchat, Ope cit., p. 605. Cf. Trimborn, "Der Kollektivismus, etc.," Ope cit." p. 586. 73. Santillan maintains that the local governor was in charge of it, but this is unlikely; such a high official had more important duties to perform that would not permit him to waste his time in this kind of work (Cu now, Die soziale Verfassung" etc., ch. v; Trimborn, ibid." p. 585). 74. Bastian, Ope cit., II, 565.

75. Ondegardo, Relaci6n" p. 23; Acosta, Ope cit., Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xv; Cobo, Ope cit." Bk. XII, ch. xxix. 76. Latcham, La existencia" etc., p. 61. Prescott exaggerates when he says that the flocks of llamas were appropriated exclusively to the Sun and to the Inca. Cf. supra, ch. iii. 77. Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung" etc., p. 86. 78. Ondegardo, Relaci6n, p. 29. 79. Falcon, Ope cit." p. 152; Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca" etc., p. 87. 80. F. Cosio, Ope cit., ch. v; De Rivero and Tschudi, Ope cit., p. 212; Falc6n, Ope cit., p. 152. 81. Ondegardo, "De l',etat du Perou avant la conquete" (F. tr.), ch. xii. Cobo explains that the Indians would divide the work into units corresponding to· strips of land and that once this division had been made, every man would have his wife and children come to help him (op. cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxviii). 82. Historia, Bk. XIV, ch. viii.

Notes to Pages 71-73 295 83. F. Xavier Peiiaranda describes the labor performed on the communally owned lands in Spain as having a likewise festive character, and J. Costa points out that this famous author speaks of that labor in precisely the same terms as Father Cobo speaks of the labor of the Peruvians in the fields of the Inca (Peiiaranda, Resoluci6n universal sobre el sistema economico y politico mas conveniente d Espana [Madrid, 1789]; J. Costa, op. cit.~ p. 189). It is only by a great effort of imagination that Cabet, in his Voyage en I carie (H~40), is able to picture labor in the workshop as having its attractions. But the day will never come when tools are so perfected or the surroundings made so pleasant that the worker will take joy in his labor. The only solution is that of the Inca, and it is psychological. The Indian was happy to take the pains to cultivate the fields of the monarch whom he adored. R. d'Harcourt suggests the in genious hypothesis that the lands of the Inca were cultivated to the ac companiment of singing and dancing because this work ended the year's round of such labors (L'Amerique avant Colomb~ p. 41), but the chron iclers do not share this opinion, and we are not even certain, as we shall see further on, that the Inca's lands were actually the last to be worked.

84. Comentarios~ Bk. V, ch. H. 85. Beuchat (op. cit.~ Pt. IV, ch. vii) writes that the fields situated within a certain radius of the holy city of Cuzco were regarded as belonging to the Sun, but this is unlikely. Betanzos, on the other hand, tells us that the territory surrounding Cuzco had been distributed among the ore jones of the capital, which seems to be the truth (op. cit.~ ch. xii). It was only the terrace of Colcampata, near Cuzco, that was dedicated to the Sun and cultivated by the Incas, but it is possible that in certain villages everything belonged to the Sun, as at Arapa, to the north of Lake Titicaca (Ondegardo, "Report," p. 156), or to the Inca (J. de la Espada~ Relaciones geogrdficas~ II, 18). 86. A. de Vega, "Descripcion que se hizo en la provincia de Xauxa," Rela ciones geograficas~ I, 84. 87. Ondegardo, "De l'{~tat du Perou" (F. tr.), p. 301; Cobo, op. cit.~ Bk. XII, ch. xxviii; Suarez, op. cit.~ I, 218. Suarez does not say from what source he drew his information. Garcilaso tells of an official who was put to deC\th because he had had the fields of a curaca cultivated before those of a widow (op. cit.~ Bk. V, ch. ii and viii). Several authors-Helps, for example (op. cit., III, 352); G. Buschan ("Die Inka und ihre Kuhur im alten Peru," La cultura latino-americana~ 1915-18, p. 424); and Beuchat (op. cit.~ p. 659)-are content to copy faithfully the statements of Gar cilaso.

88. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca~ etc.~ p. 80. 89. McBride, op. cit.~ p. 7. The result was that a large land area was needed to afford subsistence to a limited number of people; and from the many traces of cultivation that have been found it should not be concluded, as has been done by some observers, that the area was very densely populated (Latcham, La existencia~ etc.~ p. 37). 90. Op. cit., p. 659. Durret speaks of "certain sharp-edged shovels" (Voyage 296 Notes to Pages 73-74 de Marseille a Lima, etc., p. 207). Poma de Ayala pictures Adam as cultivating the soil with an implement of this kind (Nueva coronica, p.22). 91. J. de la Espada in Cobo, Ope cit. (ed. of 1890), Vol. III, p. 190, n. 1. 92. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XIV, ch. viii. G. Friederici rightly protests against the practice of several chroniclers of calling this agricultural implement of the Peruvians a plough, which has misled a number of historians (op. cit., p. 285).

93. P. Rodriguez de Aguayo, Descripcion, etc., p. 95. The Caras of Ecuador had a spade made of tough wood with a notch in the middle to serve as a handle (Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., p. 16). 94. Bingham, Inca Land, p. 122. The Indians of the Chilean coast turn over the earth with a long, heavy, sharp-pointed stake. In central and southern Chile the women break up the sods with a primitive hammer made of a perforated stone fastened to a stick. We make no mention of the methods of harvesting used in Peru because there is nothing es pecially noteworthy about them: potatoes were dug out of the ground with a stick shaped at one end like a chisel, maize was gleaned by hand, and the quinoa stalks were cut with flint knives (R. Latcham, "La organizaci6n agraria de los antiguos indfgenas de Chile," La Informa cion, December, 1926, p. 359). 95. Cobo, op cit., Bk. XIV, ch. viii. On the coast there was another important crop, cotton, but its cultivation was also very simple: holes were dug in the ground, the seeds inserted, and the land irrigated (Payne, Ope cit., I, 370).

96. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VII, ch. v. Santillan (op. cit., §11) declares that children harvested the coca, but this is not very probable, since this crop was gathered only in unhealthful regions (Trimborn, "Der Kollektivis mus, etc.," Ope cit., p. 594). For the first two months after the seeds had been planted, caretakers stayed in the fields to watch over the growing maize (Buschan, "Die Inka und ihre Kultur, etc.," Ope cit., p. 438). 97. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Pt. I, Bk. V, ch. iii; Acosta, Ope cit., Bk. IV, ch. xxxvi. Later fallen into oblivion, guano came into use again during the nine teenth century. It began to be exported to Europe in 1935 on the initia tive of a Frenchman (Middendorf, Peru, II, 178). After a long period of ruinous exploitation, the Peruvian government, at the beginning of the twentieth century, took appropriate action. Since 1908, it has had the islands evacuated for periods of at least thirty months in order to allow the cormorants and pelicans to return and add to the deposits (R.

Murphy, "The Sea Coast and Islands of Peru," Brooklyn Museum Quarterly, 1920); and Bird Islands of Peru New York, 1925). 98. Garcilaso, Ope cit.,Bk. V, ch. iii; Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. I, ch. lxxiii. "To understand this custom, it must be remembered that several times a year the sea casts upon the beach thousands of fish, of the average size of a sardine, that are sick or dead as the result of underwater earthquakes followed by the release of noxious gases" (D'Harcourt, Ope cit., p. 139). 99. Schmidt calls this "cultivation in depth" (Tiefkultur).-Op. cit., p. 37. 100. M. de Tezanos Pinto, El impuesto unico y la extencion de impuesto d las Notes to Pages 74-76 297 mejoras (Buenos Aires, 1923), p. 44. "The system just described was cer tainly better than any that were ever conceived of in our hemisphere, for not only were the citizens bound to be happy under this system, but they could not help being so in spite of themselves" (De Carli, op.

cit'7 I, 233). This system is characterized as communistic by Morua (op. cit'7 p. 114); Prescott ("they had nothing that deserved to be called property," op. cit., p. 817); Cronau (Amerika, II, 101); Suarez (op. cit., I, 218): Brehm (op. tit.~ p. 40): Moireau (Ristoi't~ gdnd'tal~~ IV, 961): Casta ing (op. cit.); Reville (op. cit.7 II, 285); Villar y Cordova (op. cit.7 p. 520); J. Prado y Ugarteche (Estado social del Peru durante la dominaci6n espanola [Lima, 1894], p. 150); Friederici (op. cit., p. 250). "The ayllu was not a phalanstery where products were held in common so that all might enjoy them equally" (F. Cosio, op. cit.). 101. Economists have drawn from this the general conclusion that landed property first appeared in this form (Colson, Cours d'economie politique Paris, 1918, III, 34); Leroy-Beaulieu, Le collectivisme [Paris, 1893], p. 114). 102. Historia antigua, p. 247. 103. Ondegardo, Relaci6n 7 p. 37; P. Pizarro, Relaci6n 7 p. 271. According to Morua, it was the Inca Pachacutec who adopted this system of gifts (op.

cit., p. 137). 104. Often among primitive tribes the acceptance of a gift by a person who does not make one in return betokens the subordination of the recipient to the donor. 105. "De l',etat du Perou avant la conquete," p. 37. Elsewhere Ondegardo says that this heir represented the ayllu (Report 7 p. 162), but the word ayllu is used here in a special sense to denote all the descendants of the beneficiary, who was considered as the chief of the line. As we have seen, the Inca formed an ayllu under these conditions, and it is perhaps by analogy that the chroniclers have used the same word to designate the line of descent issuing from the beneficiary and the collective owner of the property he had received. This ayllu is sui generis7 and has noth ing at all to do with the real ayllu of which the beneficiary, like all his family and descendants, was a part. To avoid confusion it is better to use the word only in the latter sense.

106. The same rules applied to gifts of land and of animals. Animals given as gifts by the Inca could not be alienated, but remained the common property of the heirs of the recipient (Cobo, op. cit.7 Bk. XII, ch. xxix). According to Matienzo, the Incas gave lands in perpetuity to the Indians responsible for the cultivation of coca (Latcham, La existencia de la propiedad 7 etc.7 p. 51). 107. Ondegardo, Report, p. 162, copied by Cobo, op. cit.7 Bk. XII, ch. xxviii. De Carli refers to the rule mentioned in the text, and the author of the French translation of his book writes in a note: "We have always ignored this principle in the exaction of the corvee" (Vol. I, p. 242, n. 1). 108. Esmein, Cours elementaire d'histoire du droit public franfais (Paris, 1921), p. 42. 109. Latcham, Laexistencia de la propiedad 7 etc., p. 39, n. 1.

298 Notes to Pages 76-79 110. It was thus that private property gave way to collective ownership in seventeenth-century Japan. Ill. De la Torre, "Regimen de la propiedad durante los Incas," p. 405. 112. According to De la Torre, the Incas came under the influence of con quered peoples who owned private property (op. cit.) p. 400). We do not agree. Only in spheres in which they were inferior to those whom they conquered did the conquerors fall under foreign influence, not in ad ministrative and juridical matters. 113. Historia) II, 7 and 53. 114. Resum,en de fa historia) I, 28. 115. Suarez, Ope cit.) I, 91. 116. Restrepo, Ope cit.) ch. xi. 117. Piedrahita, Ope cit.) Pt. I, Bk. II, ch. iv. 118. Ope cit.) p. 553. 119. R. Latcham, "El estado econ6mico y comercial de Chile prehispanico," La Informacion) October, 1925, p. 252, and "EI regimen de la propiedad entre los indios de Chile," La Informacion) February, 1927, p. 101.

120. "Informaciones que mand6 levan tar el Virrey Toledo sobre los Incas," Ope cit.) XVI, 202. 121. Beuchat, Ope cit.) Pt. IV, ch. vii; A. Oliva, Ope cit.) p. 40. According to this author, Manco Capac promulgated a law decreeing that everything -lands, animals, plants-was his personal property, but no other writer repeats this strange statement. Brehm says: "Every piece of land, every possession, every product, every means of production belonged to the Inca; he was the beginning and the end of everything" (op. cit.) p. 220). Cf. Hanstein, Ope cit.) p. 33; C. Mead, Old Civilizations of Inca Land) p. 59. According to Perrone, all land was regarded as the property of the Sun (op. cit.) p. 348). 122. Cunow, Die soziafe Verfassung) etc.) p. 96. Trimborn remarks humorously that Cunow relies on a passage of Santillan that tends to prove the exact opposite ("Der Kollektivismus, etc.," Ope cit., p. 583).

123. Cobo, Ope cit.} Bk. XII, ch. xxviii. 124. Fa1c6n, Ope cit.) pp. 148-149. 125. "Relaci6n, etc.," Ope cit., p. 33. 126. "Those parcels of land which were sown on behalf of the Inca are the ones that the Indians and the Spaniards were wont to call the Inca's, but in reality they were not the Inca's at all; they belonged to the village communities themselves, which had considered and kept them as their own property from the time they were first set aside" (op. cit.) p. 102). Acosta expresses the same view (op. cit.) Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xv). 127. "Descripci6n, etc.," Ope cit., p. 96. 128. "Report," Ope cit.) p. 157. 129. According to Latcham, the sovereign must have regarded himself as only the "nominal owner" of the land (La existencia de fa propiedad) etc., p. 34). Means and De la Torre both state that at some time preceding the period of the Incas the chiefs gradually usurped "the right of eminent domain" and the inhabitants became mere usufructuaries (Means, "A Noles to Pages 80-81 299 Study of Ancient Andean Social Institutions," Ope cit.} p. 438; De la Torre, Ope cit., p. 403).

130. Ugarte, "Los antecedentes, etc.," Ope cit.) p. 356; Zurkalowski, "Observa dones sobre la organizacion social del Peru antiguo," Mercurio peruano, II (1919), 490. "131. Trimborn asks where the Inca obtained the lands that he gave away, and he answers, quite logically: from his own share ("Der Kollektivismus, etc.," Ope cit., p. 588). This portion, ~s we h~ve seen, w~s prescinded as far as possible from the acreage that had been made available for cultiva tion by the work done under the sovereign's orders, but it must some times have taken in some part of the soil already being tilled by the com munity, and it also included the properties of the curacas dispossessed by the Incas or of those of the inhabitants who had been forcibly transferred elsewhere without their places having been filled. This explains the conflicts that broke out, at the time of the Spanish conquest, between the Indians who recalled that they had possessed a piece of land before the coming of the Incas and demanded the restoration of their prior rights, and those who said that they were the legitimate owners of the same piece of land because they had received it from the Peruvian monarch (Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. IV, ch. ii).

132. Cardenas, Ope cit.) II, 201. For the controversy between Las Casas and Sepulveda, cf. Toribio Medina, Biblioteca hispano-americana, I, 245. 133. Quiroga, La evolucion juridica de la propiedad rural en Puno (Arequipa, 1915). 134. Recapilaci6n de leyes de las Indias, Bk. IV, Title xii. Royal Ordinance of 1541 (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XVIII, 5). The system of collective cultivation of the fields allotted to those incapable of attending to their own concerns inspired one of the most important institutions of Latin America, that of the cajas de comunidad. These community chests, of which the funds must be used for the maintenance of hospitals, missions, and poor relief, received lands that had been granted as encomiendas and restored on the death of the recipient and which were cultivated collectively. During the colonial period a great deal of wealth was poured into their coffers (Vinas y Mey, "EI regimen de la tierra en la colonizaci6n espanola," H umanidades) X [La Plata, 1925], 85 et seq.

135. Instructions given to the Licentiate De la Gasca, February 10, 1546 (Colee cion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XXIII, 510); Helps, Ope cit., IV, 102, 236, 239; Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. VIII, Bk. X, ch. xviii and xix, cii, ccxxxvi, and ccxxxix. It should not be forgotten that the conquistadors ran great risks, not only with their own lives, but with the capital that they had invested in their enterprises. The encomienda was their reward. Here is how Solorzano defines the encomienda: "Un derecho concedido por merced real a los benemeritos de las Indias para percibir y cobrar para SI los tributos, de los indios que se les encomendaran par Sil vida y la de un heredero, conforme a la ley de la sucesi6n, con cargo de cuidar del bien de los indios en 10 spiritual y temporal y de habitar y defender 300 Notes to Pages 81-82 las provincias donde fueren encomendados y hacer de cumplir todo este omenaje 0 juramento particular" ("a right, granted by royal favor to the well-deserving in the Indies, to collect and appropriate taxes from the Indians, who are entrusted to. their care for their own lifetime and that of their lawful heir, with the obligation of promoting both the temporal and the spiritual welfare of the native inhabitants and of inhabiting and defending the provinces allotted to them and of seeing that all due homage and fealty is rendered therein").-Politica indiana (Madrid, 1648), Bk. III, ch. i. The history of the encomienda is the history of the struggle between the colonists and the royal power. The encomiendas were at first entrusted to the grantees solely for their own lifetime. Then, in 1536, the law of succession was passed, extending it for "two life times." Their abrogation in 1542, at the instance of Las Casas, provoked the revolt of Pizarro, and they were re-established in 1545. The colonists gained the concession of a "third lifetime" in 1629, and the system did not disappear until the eighteenth century.

136. Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XVI, 390-400; XVIII, 201; XIX, 97. 137. Ibid., XVI. 389.' 138. Cf. the royal ordinances forbidding the sale of Indians, either alone or with fields of mines (ibid., XVIII, 231 and 301; XIX, 158; Cosio, "La propiedad colectiva, etc.," Ope cit., ch. iv). 139. "Tierras usufructuadas mancomunadamente" ("lands whose usufruct was conjointly enjoyed"), says J. Frisancho ("La propiedad agraria y el caciquismo," Inca, April, 1923). 140. This repartimiento is not to be confused with a procedure called by the same name, but essentially different, which consisted in the distribution of merchandise to the Indians by the principal alcaldes. The Indians were compelled to accept goods at a high price and to pay for them by the delivery of produce that was priced very low. Charles III abolished these repartimientos (Colmeiro, H istoria de la economia en Espana [Madrid, 1863], ch. lxxviii). Sobreviela and Narcisso y Barcelo use the word repartimiento in the latter sense in their Voyages au Perou, II, 180.

141. Juan and Ulloa, Noticias secretas de Am,erica, etc., p. 267; "Relacion del Marques de Montesclaros" (Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, VI, 209); Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. VI, ch. x. 142. The Spanish sovereigns were not unaware of these evils, which were called to their attention on many occasions, but the measures that they took to remedy the situation were of no avail. Cf. the letters of the King to L. de Velasco of July 12, 1600, and of November 24, 1601 (Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XIX, 121 and 151). At first, the mita "was part of the tax of the encomienda, but was separated from it at the time that personal service was abolished (cf. infra, p. 325, n. Ill). Juan and Ulloa in their famous Noticias secretas de America, etc., draw a moving picture of the wretchedness of the mitayo. In Paraguay the term mitayos was applied to the Indians who voluntarily engaged to work for the Spaniards two months each year without remuneration in payment of taxes (Lugones, Ope cit., p. 135). An unpublished manuscript in the Notes to Pages 82-85 301 Archives of the Indies in Seville, entitled "Descripci6n geografica, his torica, fisica y poIitica de la Villa Imperial y Cerro Rico de PotosI y de los partidos de Porco, Choyanta, Chichas 0 Tarija, Lipez y Atacama," and dated 1789, gives the figure of 418 mitayos, working by turns in groups of one-seventh of their number in the Porco mines (ch. ix) and 14,248 mitayos, taking turns in groups of one-third of the total, in the mines of Potosi (ch. vi), under Francisco de Toledo in the year 1578. For informa tion on the Indians' flight from the mita and the decline of that institu tion, cf. Memorias d,e los virreyes que han gobernado en el Peru durante el tiempo del coloniaje espanol (Lima, 1859), pp. 240-245.

143. Recopilaci6n de ley,es de las Indias, Bk. IV, Title xii, Law 18; Saavedra, Ope cit., p. 161; O. von Buchwald, "Propiedad rustica," Sociedad juridico literaria (Quito), January, 1920. 144. L. Baudin, "Le l1egime des terres au Maroc et la colonisation franc;aise," Ope cit., p. 196. 145. In Morocco, the allotted parcels of land could not be sold or mortgaged for ten years. 146. Art. 58: "La Nacion reconoce la existencia legal de las comunidades de indigenas y la ley dec1arara los derechos que les corresponden" ("the State recognizes the legal existence of the native communities, and their rights are to be defined by statute law"). Art. 41: "Los bienes . . . de comunidades de indigenas son imprescriptibles y solo podran trasferirse mediante titulo publico, en los casos y en la forma que establezca la ley" ("the property ... of native communities is imprescriptible and can be alienated only through the agency of the public authorities in cases and in a manner to be prescribed by law").

147. Of course, these laws must not be allowed to remain a dead letter. Ugarte maintains that the agrarian system of Peru is a catalogue of un enforced laws ("The Agrarian Policy of Peru," Inter-America, October, 1923). 148. F. Ponce de Leon, "Representacion en juicio de las comunidades in digenas," Revista universitaria del Cuzco, 1926, No. 49, p. 52; Cisneros, Ope cit., p. 484. 149. A. Sivirichi, Derecho indigena peruano, ch. iv. 150. Tello and Miranda, Ope cit., ch. iii. 151. Poblete Troncoso puts it at from 2,000 to 3,000; H. Castro Pozo, at more than 3,000; Valdez de la Torre, at 4,500. The largest Peruvian commu nities do not have more than 2,000 members (Huinuco), and most of them are of more modest size: an average of about 50 in the neighbor hood of Cuzco, 100 to 120 in the districts of Apurimac and Puna, 650 to 750 around Lima, Ayacucho, Huancavelica, and Ancachs, and 1,400 in the region of J unin.

152. McBride, Ope cit., p. 22. 153. Saavedra, Ope cit., p. 148. 154. Boman, Antiquites de la region andine, etc., II, 434 and 468. 155. The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 80. 156. Ope cit., pp. 13-14. This is the village studied by J. Vellard, "Un village de structure precolombienne," Annales de geographie (1943).

302 Notes to Pages 85-87 157. op. cit., ch. iii and iv. 158. Engelica Alvarez, "Ankcoccahua," Revista universitaria del Cuzco, 1925, No. 47. 159. The Jesuits in Paraguay preserved the native communities, but con sidered them merely provisional, for they endeavored to accustom the Indians to private ownership (Gothein, Der christlich-soziale Staat des ]esuiten in Paraguay [Leipzig, 1883], p. 34). 160. Cesareo Vidalon, "El problema indigena," Revista universitaria de Lima, 1922, p. 207. 161. Cisneros, op. cit., p. 37. 162. The tragic theme of the dissolution of the communities has been used by several novelists-for instance, by Alcides Argiiedas in La raza de bronce (Valencia, Spain, 1924). 163. "Indian Legislation in Peru," Hispanic Historical Review, November, 1920, p. 524. 164. Garda Calder6n, op. cit., p. 329. 165. Sumner Maine, Ancient Law: Its Connection With the Early History of Society and Its Relation to Modern Ideas (New York, 1906), p. 253.

166. Among recent studies devoted to the agrarian communities we call particular attention to the following: 1. A report made by Dr. Jose Angel Escalante to the Upper Council on Native Affairs, at Lima, on March 10, 1936. This author distinguishes among four kinds of communal ownership: absolute collectivism (pas tures); a "less perfect" form of collective ownership (lands of meager fertility, left to lie fallow for long periods); communal ownership with private usufructuary rights to allotted parcels of land held and trans mitted by inheritance within the family, but with no right to sell; and communities of absolute private ownership. 2. Two booklets, one by J. Cornejo Bouroncle, Las comunidades in digenas, la explotacion del trabajo de los indios (Cuzco, 1939), a propa ganda pamphlet, and the other by Julio Delgado, Organizacion de la propiedad rural en la sierra (Lima, 1930), well documented in regard to such Indian customs as cohabitation before marriage, indigenous forms of mutual aid, and the races run by young Indians as tests of their en durance.

3. The important book of Poblete Troncoso, Condiciones de vida y de trabajo de la poblacion indigena del Peru (Geneva, 1938). 4. The basic work by H. Castro Pozo, Nuestra comunidad indigena (Lima, 1924), a detailed account of the life of the Indians of the Andean plateau. The author is a convinced champion of the agrarian commu nities. On the other hand, J. Imlaf Navarro, in his Rol economico, social y politico del indigena en Chile (Santiago de Chile, 1945), has declared his opposition to the preservation of these communities in his country on the ground that the Indian is exploited by his chief (the cacique), and productivity suffers. As for creating new communities where they do not exist, this is a bold undertaking that requires further study. (For Venezuela, cf. R. Fernandez y Fernandez, Las comunidades agrarias Notes to Pages 88-92 303 [Caracas, 1947]). We shall return to this question toward the end of the present volume. For the present writer's views, cf. "L'Indien dans l'eco nomie des etats andins," Zeitschrift filr die gesamte Staatswissenschaft, Vol. CV, No.2 (Tiibingen, 1949), p. 339, and "Quelques aspects des poli tiques ·economiques des etats andins," Revue d'economie politique, May, 1949.

N OT~S TO CHAPT~R. VI 1. Gide and Rist, A History of Economic Doctrines (London, 1915), p. 440. 2. Tarde cites the Incas specifically in connection with his observation that the practice of counting by families, which is customary· in countries of collective ownership at the time of the periodical redistributions of the land, is proof that originally the individual counted for nothing (Les transformations du droit [8th ed.; Paris, 1922], p. 74). 3. Gide and Rist, loco cit. 4. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxvi; Cieza de Leon, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. ix; Betanzos, Ope cit., ch. ix et seq.; Balboa, Ope cit., ch. viii; Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xii; Roman y Zamora, Republicas de Indias, etc., II, 24. The importance of the reign of Pachacutec is apparent from the very exaggerations and inaccuracies of various writers. Santillan refers to Pachacutec as the first Inca to reign in Peru, as if his great figure was enough to put all his ancestors in the shade (op. cit., §3), and Sarmiento attributes to him the invention of the agricultural terraces, which is cer tainly a mistake (op. cit., ch. xxx). Cf. M. R. de Diez Canseco, Pachacu tec Inca Yupanqui; L. Baudin, "L'!nca Pachacutec, reformateur du monde," Annales de ['Universite de Paris, April, 1953.

5. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxxvi. 6. Garcilaso, loco cit.; Betanzos, Ope cit., ch. xi and xvi. 7. Betanzos, Ope cit., ch. xvi. 8. J. de la Riva-Agiiero, Civilizaci6n peruana, .epoca prehispanica (Lima, 1937), p. 115. 9. Del ayllu al cooperativismo socialista, p. 144, cited by J. Basadre, Historia, p. 96. Incidentally, Pozo's title is incorrect. The theory of cooperatives is one doctrine; socialism is another. A desire to appear socialist is ap parently what prompts their juxtaposition. 10. H. Trimborn, "Das recht der Chibcha in Columbien," Ethnologica, IV (1930), 36. 11. G. Munoz Puglisevich, "La familia, la propiedad y el estado en el anti guo Peru," Revista de economia y finanzas, February, 1939, p. 156. This author classifies the present writer as a member of the "positivistic evolu tionist" school. 12. E. Romero, Historia economica y financiera del Peru, antiguo Peru y virreynato, p. 84.

13. Luis E. Valcarcel acknowledges that the Inca empire was a socialist re gime (Historia, p. 201). 14. J. C. Mariategui, Siet,e ensayos de interpretacion de la realidad peruana (Lima, 1928), p. 57, note.

304 Notes to Page 93 15. Cf. ch. ix of Pt. I of the Traite d'economie politique published by a group of professors at the Faculty of Law (Paris: Dalloz, 1960). 16. H. Urteaga, Ope cit.~ p. 222. Cf. Moret, Ope cit.~ p. 309. 17. "Hay tanta multitud de lenguas entre ellos, que casi a cada legua y en cada parte hay nuevas lenguas" ("there is such a multiplicity of dialects among them that at almost every league and in every region a new tongue is spoken"), writes Cieza de Le6n (Cronica~ Pt. I, ch. cxv). In the district of Lima, there was a village numbering seven ayllus~ each one of which had its own language (Cobo, Ope cit.~ Bk. XI, ch. ix). Sometimes three or four languages would be spoken in a single village, so that the inhabitants did not understand one another (Anello Oliva, Ope cit.~ p. 19). Cf. also Benzoni, Historia~ Bk. III (p. 247 in the E. tr.). 18. As a matter of fact, the name "Quechua" is inappropriate. It was that of a group of ayllus in the neighborhood of Cuzco and was employed for the first time in the lexicon of D. de Santo Tomas published at Valladolid in 1560.

19. Some sounds familiar to us are unknown to this language, but it con tains others that we do not have. It has five genders. Its verbs are conju gated, but its adjectives are invariable. It has no article, but it has a plural and a dual number, and the plural of its verbs has two first per sons, exclusive and inclusive of the person speaking. It contains some delightful onomatopoetic words: in the word huahua~ which means "baby," one can almost hear the puling infant, and in alau the sharp pain that makes us scream. On the other hand, it is of a nature to dis concert Europeans, for it is agglutinative, and a single word sometimes fills half a line. Here are some samples of its affixes: kunka means a place (una~ water; urlakunka~ pool); siki denotes habit (hillu, food; hillusiki, glutton); kay signifies an abstract idea (runa, a man; runakay~ humanity); chaku denotes attention (chauha~ to look; chahuachaku, to examine).

Among the works that deal with the Quechua language, we may men tion: D. de Santo Tomas, Gramdtica 0 arte de la lengua general de los reynos del Peru (Valladolid, 1560); Lexicon 0 vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru; Anon., Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada quichua y en la lengua espanola (Lima, 1586); D. de Torres Rubio, Gramdtica y vocabulario ,en la lengua general del Peru, llamada quichua y en la lengua espanola (Seville, 1603), reprinted many times; Arte de la lengua quichua (Lima, 1700); J. Martinez, Vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru~ llamada quichua, y en la lengua ,espanola (Lima, 1604); D. Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua quichua (Lima, 1586); Gramdtica y arte nueva de la lengua general de todo el Peru~ llamada lengua quichua 0 lengua del Inca (Lima, 1607), reprinted many times; Anon., Arte y vo cabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada quichua y en la lengua espanola (Lima, 1614); A. de Huerta, Arte de la lengua quechua general de los yndios de est,e reyno del Peru (Lima, 1616); D. de Olmos, Gra mdtica de la lengua general del Cuzco (Lima, 1633); J. Roxo Mexia y Ac6n, Arte de la lengua general de los yndios del Peru (Lima, 1648); E.

Sanchez de Melgar, Arl,e de la lengua general llamada quichua (Lima, Notes to Page 94 305 1691); V. Tschudi, Die Kechua-Sprache (Vienna, 1853); H. Mossi de Cambiano, Gramdtica de la lengua general del Peru llamada comune mente quichua (Sucre, 1857); Diccionario quichua-castellano (Sucre, 1860); Fernandez Nodal, Elementos de gram,dtica quichua 0 idioma de los Yncas (Cuzco, 1872); J. D. Anchorena, Gramdtica quichua (Lima, 1874); R. Falb, Das Land der Inca (Leipzig, 1883); Onffroy de Thoron, Grammaire et dictionnaire franrais-kichua (Paris, 1886); J. de Arona, Diccionario de peruanismos (Lima, 1887-88); A. Carli, Compendia de gramdtica quichua (Santiago de Chile, 1889); M. Mossi, Manual del idioma general del Peru (C6rdoba, 1889); Middendorf, Worterbuch des Runa Simi oder Keshua Sprache (Leipzig, 1890); Luis Cordero, Breves nociones gramaticales concernientes al idioma quichua (Quito, 1894); R.

P. Raurich, Elementos de gramdtica quechua (Sucre, 1901); M. Navarro, Vocabulario cast,ellano-quechua-pano (Lima, 1903); Algunos religiosos Franciscanos ("some Franciscan monks"), Vocabulario poliglota incdico (Lima, 1905); P. E. Hengvart, Gramdtica de la lengua quichua (Lima, 1907); C. Markham, Contribution Towards a Grammar and Dictionary of Quichua (London, 1864); Vocabularies of the General Language of the Incas of Peru (London, 1908); Mariano Rodriguez, Gramdtica de la lengua quechua (Cuzco, 1921); Octavio Cordero, El quechua y el cafiari (Cuenca, 1924); R. P. Julio Paris, Gramdtica de la lengua quichua (Cuenca, 1924); J. de Vega, Arte 0 rudimentos de gramatica en la lengua indigena del Peru (Lima, n. d.); Rivet and Crequi-Montfort, Biblio graphie des langues aymara et kicua (Paris, 1951). 20. Suarez, Ope cit., I, 193. 21. According to the royal decrees of 1554 and 1596 (Colecci6n de docu mentos del Archivo de Indias, XVIII, 472 and 475), the encomenderos were obliged to teach the natives Spanish, but Quechua continued to be spoken. In 1576 a chair of Quechua was established in San Marcos Uni versity at Lima, knowledge of Quechua was required at the examinations for both the baccalaureate and the master's degrees, and in 1680 it was forbidden to ordain any priest who was ignorant of this language. The third Council of Lima decided that the Indians should be taught in their native tongue. Sol6rzano and Matienzo protested against this measure. They would have wished the natives to be obliged to speak Spanish, just as they had once been obliged by the Incas to speak Quechua.

22. Coronica moralizada, III, ch. ii. "The women of Canas consider it shame ful to express themselves in any language but their own" (M. Sobreviela and Narcisso y Barcelo, Ope cit., II, 157). 23. According to the Peruvian census of 1940, more than 50% of the school children now speak Quechua or Aymara and more than 35% are entirely ignorant of Spanish. We are told by Buschan that at present the Quechua language is in constant use on the plateau from 3° North Latitude to 22° South, and, east of the Andes, along the upper reaches of the Madeira and of the Maran6n (G. Buschan, Illustrierte Volkerkunde, I, 325). 24. P. M. Benvenuto Murrieta, El lenguaje peruano, I (Lima, 1936). 25. Ope cit., p. 165. We shall return to this question in the next chapter.

306 Notes to Pages 95-97 NOTES TO CHAPTER VII 1. Today's socialists make no attempt to limit demand. They acknowledge that the desires and needs of the consumers must be the principal factor in determining production. But this liberty for the consumer gives their system a utopian character. Cf. Webb, Industrial Democracy (London, 1897), II, 818. 2. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VIII, ch. ix. 3. "With a handful of this meal and a little charqui dissolved in boiling water, one has an excellent broth."-Monnier, Des Andes au Para~ p. 277, n. 1. The dehydrated potato contains from 74% to 76.5% carbohy drates, from 7.4% to 8.5% protein, and from 0.5% to 2.3% fat. Generally speaking, the Indian diet is deficient in protein. Proteins are found in quinoa, canihua, and mani. Cf. M. Kuczynski-Godard and C. E. Paz Soldan, Disecci6n del indigenismo peruano (Lima, 1948), p. 105; L. E. Valcarcel, Historia de la cultura antigua del Peru, II, 75; J. Kuon Cabello, "Alimentaci6n del indio peruano," Revista universitaria del Cuzco, III (1948), 130; M. T. Mejia Xesspe, "Kausay, alimentaci6n de los indios,"

Wira Kocha (1931). 4. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. I, ch. iVa 5. Tschudi, "Contribuciones a la historia, etc.," Ope cit., p. 64; Buschan, "Die Inca und ihre Kultur, etc.," Ope cit., p. 434. Without the potatoes it must have made a very indifferent sort of broth. 6. Garcilaso, Ope cit.~ Bk. VI, ch. vi. 7. Garcilaso, ibid.~ Bk. IV, ch. xiv. 8. Ondegardo, "Copia de carta, etc.," Ope cit., p. 165. And yet the mass of the population in Spain at this time was also satisfied with very little. Some fruit and a piece of bread was enough for the peasant of the huerta of Valencia. 9. Zarate, Ope cit., ch. viii. Durret reports that at the beginning of the eighteenth century men and women used to hire themselves out to chew the kernels of maize. He adds: "The [drink] that is made with standing water is deemed stronger and better than if it is made with running water. The same is true in Flanders, where beer is made with stagnant and stinking water, which is greatly favored for this purpose." (Op. cit., p. 192.) 10. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XIV, ch. iVa II. G6mara, Ope cit., ch. cxcv; "Relaci6n an6nima," Tres relaciones, etc., p.

190. 12. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VIII, ch. xii and xiii. 13. Garcilaso, ibid., Bk. VIII, ch. ix; "Relaci6n an6nima," Ope cit., Law 10. The Inca Roca ordered the Indians to do their drinking in public places, for he was afraid of the excesses that resulted from these orgies and was better able in this way to prevent them (Morua, Ope cit., p. 16). 14. "The essential qualities of coca are brought out when it is mixed with carbonate of soda. This is what the Quechuas did in mixing it with llypta" (second letter of F. L6pez to Dr. von Tschudi in Deux lettres a propos d'archeologie peruvienne [Buenos Aires, 1878]). Even today disNotes to Pages 97-99 307 tances are still sometimes measured in cocadas, the time it takes to chew a pellet of coca. 15. Squier, Ope cit., p.. 74. It should not be forgotten that the houses of European workers and peasants of the same period were also extremely small.

16. D'Orbigny, Ope cit., I, 131. In the dry coastal regions the houses were frequently built of reeds and branches (F. Pizarro, Ope cit., p. 122). Sometimes they were no more than simple shelters consisting of a pitched roof supported on posts and backed up against a wall or a rock. This is how they are represented on some of the pottery. 17. Del Hoyo, Ope cit., ch. ii, §59; Lorente, Ope cit., p. 332. 18. Where did Brehm get the idea that the common people had tables and wooden chairs and lived in houses with doors that could be locked with keys? (Op. cit., p. 85.) Hanstein repeats what Brehm says (op. cit., p. 55). 19. Cobo, op. cit., Bk. XIV, ch. iv. 20. They could remain for a whole day in this position without getting up (Cobo, ibid., Bk. XIV, ch. v). 21. Only the royal family used silver mirrors (Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. II, ch. xxviii). The mirrors were generally convex because they could thus, in spite of their small size, reflect the entire face. Ladies today also use convex pocket mirrors so that they may take up the least possible space in their handbags (Nordenskiold, "Miroirs convexes et concaves en Amerique," Journal de la Soci,(He des Am,ericanistes de Paris, 1926, p.

107). "La Condamine asserts that the workmanship on these mirrors was as good as if these people had had the most highly perfected instruments and had known the most precise laws of optics" (De Carli, Ope cit.,!, 353). 22. Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., p. 187. 23. Betanzos, Ope cit., ch. xiii. The remarkable cloaks of feathers which are to be seen in museums were worn only by dignitaries of high degree. As for the garments of bats' hair mentioned by Garcilaso, no trace of them has ever been found anywhere. 24. "De la orden, etc.," Ope cit., p. 104. 25. Several writers mistakenly refer to ponchos as being worn in the time of the Incas. Cf. C. Mead, Old Civilizations, ,etc., pp. 19 and 33; and G. Buschan, Illustrierte Volkerkunde, I, 393. 26. Mme. A. Barnett, "A propos des cusma peruviennes," Journal des Americanistes de Paris, 1914. 27. "Como capa" ("as a cape"), says Las Casas (Apologetica, ch. cclvii).

28. Zarate, Ope cit., Bk. I, ch. viii. 29. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XIV, ch. iv. We know that the headdress differed in each province. 30. Lope de Atienza, Compendio historial, ch. ix. 31. Historia, p. 114; P. de Ribera and A. de Chaves, "Relaci6n de la ciudad de Guamanga," R,elaciones geograficas, I, 113; D. Cabeza de Vaca, Ope cit., p. 72. 32. De Carli has seen this point quite clearly. "The Incas," he says, "suc ceeded ... above all in eliminating those artificial needs that become the agents of destruction in all civil societies" (Op. cit., p. 258). We see 308 Notes to Pages 100-102 how rash Nicholson is in speaking of "the high degree of material com fort" of the ancient Peruvians (The Revival of Marxism [London, 1921], p. 67). The reader will find detailed information on the food of the Indians in M. T. Mejia Xesspe, "Kausay, etc.," Wira Kocha" Vol. I, No. 1 (1931); on coca, in L. N. Saenz, La coca (Lima, 1938); and on clothing, in Lope de Atienzo, Compendio historial" ch. v, reprinted in J. Jij6n y Caamaiio, La religion del imperio de los Incas (Quito, 1931).

NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII 1. Blum, "L'ideal socialiste," Revue de Paris" May 1, 1924. 2. Garcilaso, Ope cit." Bk. IV, ch. xiii. This custom still persists among the old women of Peru and Ecuador, who keep spinning as they walk, often while carrying a baby on their back. (Bingham, "In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit." p. 401; Rivet, "Etude sur les Indiens de la region de Riobamba," Ope cit., p. 72). 3. Louis Baudin, "La loi economique," Revue d'economie politique, July 1924, p. 641. 4. Pedro Pizarro, R,elacion, p. 276. 5. Ope cit." Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xii. 6. "Lo que se prueba acerca de las costumbres de las Indias" (Colecci6n de libros espaiioles raros 6 curiosos, XVI, 196). Prescott recalls that, accord ing to certain authors, the great square of Cuzco was filled with mold brought from the distant shores of the Pacific Ocean (op. cit., p. 818). Betanzos asserts that Pachacutec had Cuzco rebuilt just in order to give the Indians something to do and that he recommended military exer cises to keep them from idleness (op. cit." ch. xii and xvi). A great deal of time was already taken up with religious ceremonies on account of the large number of divinities (Ondegardo, "Report," Ope cit., p. 155).

7. Ope cit." ch. xvii. 8. Del Hoyo, Ope cit., p. 165; Santillan, Ope cit., §59; Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. IV, ch. ii. "Indolence is their habitual state," says Raynal (op. cit., Vol. II, Bk. VII, p. 208). Cf. Robertson, Histoire de l'Amerique, I, 270. "They spend whole days in the same place, sitting on their heels without moving and without saying anything," observes P. Bouguer (op. cit., p. 102). The same is true of the Guarani (M. Fasbinder, Der ]esuiten staat in Paraguay [Halle, 1926], p. 90). 9. Suarez, Ope cit., I, 239. Beginning with the reign of Pachacutec there was a holiday every nine days (Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxxv). 10. "Contribuciones, etc.," Ope cit., p. 34. 11. Garcilaso, Ope cit." Bk. VIII, ch. xxv. During the period of Spanish dom ination, steps were taken to keep the Indians from being employed for too long a time in the mercury mines, which would have ruined their health (Royal Ordinance of November 24, 1601 [Colecci6n de docu mentos del Archivo de Indias, XIX, 174]).

12. The King of Spain also forbade pearl-fishing, or at least specified that no Indian could be employed in this occupation against his will and that no such fishing should be undertaken so long as it involved the risk of Notes to Pages 102-104 309 death ("C6dice de leyes y ordenanzas para la gobernaci6n de las Indias" [Co1eccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XVI, 387]). Later, only Negroes were authorized to engage in this work (Co1ecci6n de docu mentos del Archivo de Indias, XIX, 163). 13. The Spaniards did not enforce these salutary regulations in regard to the coca plantations, and whole tribes perished in consequence (Santillan, op. cit., §115).Yet the King of Spain had followed the Inca's example by decreeing that Indians should not be employed in regions where the climate was different from what they had been accustomed to from birth and set up detailed regulations regarding work on the coca plantations with the object of protecting the health of the natives (Recopilaci6n de leyes de las Indias, Bk. VI, Title ii, Law 20). A witty anonymous writer observes that the fact that coca grows only in insalubrious regions is evident proof that it is an invention of the Devil ("Provehimientos gene rales y particulares del Pin'!" [Colecd6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XI, 51]). Cf. W. G. Mortimer, Coca, the Divine Plant of the Incas (New York, 1901) and L. N. Saenz, La Coca (Lima, 1938).

14. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. V, ch. x. 15. Poma de Ayala, Nueva coronica, p. 195; Santillan, op. cit., §11; Cabeza de Vaca, Relaciones geogrdficas, II, 71. 16. Hanstein, op. cit., p. 35. 17. Op. cit., Bk. V, ch. xi. 18. Ordinance of November 24, 1601 (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XIX, 163). 19. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxv. 20. Ibid., Bk. IV, ch. xiii. 21. Acosta, op. cit., Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xvi. 22. The bronze smelters were an exception to this rule (Trimborn, "Der Kollektivismus, etc.," op. cit., p. 602). 23. "Este Rey estableci6 muchas leyes, entre las quales dice ... que con venia que los hijos de la gente comun ... les ensefiasen los oficios de sus padres, que les bastavan" ("This King promulgated many laws, among them one that required children of the common people to be taught the occupation of their parents, which was education enough for them"), says Garcilaso (op. cit., Bk. IV, ch. xix). Cf. Prescott, op. cit., p.

809; De Carli, op. cit.,!, 240; De Greef, Sociologie, ,etc., II, 40; Trim born, "Der Kollektivismus, etc.," op. cit., p. 602. "Skilled occupations, 'like every other calling and .office in Peru, always descended from father to son. The division of castes, in this particular, was as precise as that which existed in Egypt or Hindoostan.' "-Spencer, op. cit., I, 478-479, quoting Prescott, op. cit., p. 809. Hereditary occupations are character istic of most primitive peoples (Durkheim, La division du travail social [Paris, 1893], p. 341). In More's Utopia members of the same family worked at the same occupation. 24. Roman y Zamora, op. cit.) II, 30. 25. A prudent concern for the future is not necessarily, as Bucher supposes, a mark of civilization, nor is the lack of such prevision characteristic of 310 Notes to Pages 104-105 primitive tribes (Die Entstehung der Volkswirtschaft [Tiibingen, 1922], p. 18). Never has there been such great waste as in our so~called civilized societies.

26. One evidence of this that we have already mentioned is the precautions that were taken to control the exploitation of guano. It is also possible that aversion to waste may have motivated the religious policy of the Incas. It was probably in order to reduce the number of sacrifices that they discouraged the cult of the huacas (Santa Cruz Pachacuti, "Relaci6n, etc.," Tres relaciones, etc., p. 244; Payne, Ope cit., I, 543). "The huacas were so numerous that the sacrifices.would have kept the Indians fully occupied even if they had had nothing else to do," says Ondegardo ("Re port," Ope cit., p. 155). 27. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxix; Ondegardo, Relacion, p. 56. 28. Ondegardo, ibid., pp. 26 and 54. 29. The great royal hunts of the Incas were not repeated in the same quarter of the country more often than once in four years (Prescott, Ope cit., p. 807) in order to allow time for the fleece of the vicuna to attain its full beauty (Han stein, Ope cit., p. 45); but Herrera declares that the forest of Huamachuco was the most frequent scene of these hunts (op. cit., Dec.

V, Bk. IV, ch. x). At Jauja the Inca Manco organized a great hunt in honor of Pizarro (Prescott, Ope cit., p. 990). Authors are not in agreement on the extent to which members of the community enjoyed the right to hunt on their own territory. Cunow remarks that Garcilaso contradicts himself (op. cit., ch. v). Trimborn reasons by analogy, distinguishing regions that abounded in game from those that did not, as wooded areas were distinguished from those that were not wooded, wild animals being the property of the community in the first and belonging to the sovereign in the second ("Der Kollektivismus, etc.," Ope cit., p. 592). Middendorf (Peru, etc., p. 47) and Beuchat (op. cit., p. 657) assume that hunting was absolutely forbidden everywhere. Latcham judges that, in addition to the great hunts organized by the Incas, the Indians themselves hunted once a year on the territory of their ayllu, using the methods of encircle ment described in the text, but he does not say on what documents he bases this assertion (La existencia, etc., p. 62). The same author, follow~ ing Matienzo, also speaks of professional hunters in certain provinces (op. cit., p. 64). It is strange that the other chroniclers make no mention of them. Hunting seems to have been held in high esteem among the Atacamas, for quantities of bows and arrows have been found in their tombs (Buschan, Illustrierte Volkerkunde, I, 413).

30. Opinions differ concerning the number of Indians thus employed. Zarate says 4,000 to 5,000; Garcilaso, 20,000 to 30,000; Cieza de LeOn, 50,000 to 100,000 (Zarate, Ope cit., Bk. I, ch. viii; Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. vi; Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xvi). 31. "Los errores y supersticiones de los indios," Ope cit., JII, 37. Durret, in 1720, gives a similar description: "Women and children take part in this hunt, and their cries and shrieks play no small part in its success" (op. cit., p. 207). 32. Colpaert, Ope cit., p. 34. Tschudi maintains that the name Chaco comes Notes to Pages 105-108 311 from the Quechua word chaku used to denote the hunters' encirclement of the animals (Die Kechua-Sprache). And in fact the Spaniards did tighten the circle of their conquests in South America by driving back the Indians toward the territory since known as the Gran Chaco. 33. Garcilaso, Ope cit.~ Bk. VIII, ch. xvii; S. de Villasante, "Relaci6n general de las poblaciones espaiioles del Peru," Relaciones geogrdficas~ I, 21.

34. The abundance of fish along the Peruvian coast rendered all measures of conservation superHuous. Fishing was done with hook and line as well as with nets, and torchlight fishing was also known. The Indians would go out at night on rafts with torches and would shoot darts at the fish that were attracted by the light. According to G. de Santa Clara, the system employed in capturing animals was also used in taking fish. The Indians would line up in the water and swim toward the land, making a great noise, and the panic-stricken fish would fling themselves into the nets set out along the shore. But this procedure, which was called "royal fishing," was not without its element of danger on account of the con siderable number of sharks that infested these waters (op. cit.) Vol. III, ch.lxi). 35. Certain stones known as hihuana were much sought after as hammers because they were very hard (Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. II, ch. xxviii).

36. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca~ etc.} Pt. III, n. 54; Rouma, La civili sation des Incas} etc., p. 54, n. 1. 37. Rivet, "Les Indiens Colorados," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris} N.S., II (1905). 38. Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., p. 240. 39. Ope cit.} Vol. II, Bk. VII, p. 150. Abbe Genty writes to the same effect: "Their monuments and all the products of their arts were due only to prodigious efforts of patience and industry" (L'influence de la decouverte de ['Amerique, etc. p. 29). "Patience triumphed over the intractability of the material, and Nature yielded to the force of numbers," writes E. Grandidier (Voyage dans rAmerique du Sud, etc. [Paris, 1861], p. 84). 40. Ope cit., Vol. I, Bk. IV, ch. xxiii. 41. Apologetica} ch. lix. 42. Dated August I, 1533 (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XLII,85). 43. Ope cit., I, 307. 44. The Spaniards were not unacquainted with platinum, but believed it could not be utilized and attempted no exploitation of it before the nineteenth century (WoH, Ope cit.) p. 641, n. 33). They called it "white gold." A platinum plate was found by the conquerors in the Temple of the Moon at Cuzco (R. Loredo, "EI reparto de los tesoros del Cuzco,"

Revista del Archivo historico del Cuzco, 1950, p. 259. 45. Boman, Antiquites, etc.~ p. 861; Verne au and Rivet, Ope cit., pp. 133 and 341. 46. Nordenskiold, The Copper and Bronze Ages in South America) Com parative Ethnographical Studies (GOteborg, 1921), Vol. IV. 47. Jij6n y Caamaiio, "Los tincullpas y notas acerca de la metalurgia de los aborigenes del Ecuador," Boletin de la Academia nacional de historia} 312 Notes to Pages 108-110 1920, pp. 40 et seq. Bingham has found objects of almost pure tin ("The Inca Peoples and Their Culture," Proceedings, 19th International Con gress of Americanists, [1917], 256). Carabuco, in Bolivia, was one of the principal centers of its production. 48. Rivet, "Les ,elements constitutifs des civilisations du nord-ouest et de l'ouest sud-americain," Proceedings, 21st International Congress of Amer icanists (Goteborg, 1924),p. 13, n. 1. 49. Santillan, op. cit., §114.

50. The metal is extracted by washing the gold-bearing gravel. Cf. Carranza, "Sinopsis hist6rico-scientifico de la historia minera en el Peru a traves de los periodos incaico y colonial," Revista universitaria de Lima, II (1923), 205; Herrera, op. cit., Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. xv. Frezier describes the placer mining of gold in Chile (Relation, etc., p. 100). 51. Quesada, Cronicas potosinas (Paris, 1890), Vol. I. 52. Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., pp. 341 et seq.; Verneau, "Les collections anthropologiques 'equatoriennes du Dr. Rivet," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, N.S. (1907); H. Saville, The Antiquities of Ma nabi, Ecuador, Final Report. 53. Wolf, op. cit., p. 639. 54. Rouma, La civilisation des Incas, etc., p. 52; Beuchat, Ope cit., p. 685. 55. It is obvious that to obtain copper by this means, only easily fusible ores could be used-oxychloride (atacamite) and silicate.

56. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. VIII, ch. xxv; Acosta, op. cit., Vol. I, Bk. IV, ch. x. 57. Garcilaso, loco cit.; F. de Palencia, Ope cit., Pt. I, Bk. II, ch. xi. "As! como el viento es provechoso para navegar por el mar, 10 es en este lugar para sacar la plata" ("the wind here is as suitable for navigation as it is for the mining of silver"), says Cieza de Leon (Cronica, Pt. I, ch. cix). 58. Beuchat, Ope cit., pp. 686 ,et seq. This was the first method used by the Spaniards in treating the silver-bearing ores of Potosi. (Cf. Relaciones geogrdficas, Vol. II, App. 4). The amalgamation process was employed for the first time in America by B. de Medina in 1554, introduced into Peru by F. de Velasco about 1567, and perfected by C. Corso de Leca in 1582 (Anon., "Descripci6n geografica, hist6rica, fisica y politica, etc.," unpublished manuscript previously cited, ch. iii). 59. Santillan, Ope cit., §42; Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xviii.

60. "Memorial y relaci6n de las minas de azogues del Piru [sic]" (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, VIII, 422). 61. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VIII, ch. xxv. 62. Relaciones geogrdficas, I, 110, n. d. 63. Azogues, Ecuador, owes its name to its mercury mines, today exhausted. The output of Huancavelica was not sufficient to treat the silver of Potosi (cf. the letter of the Marquis de Montesclaros [Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, VI, 319]), and mercury was brought from Almaden, Spain, and transported on the backs of mules from Arica to Potosi (cf. unpublished manuscript cited in Note 58 above, ch. ii). 64. Fidel L6pez takes exception to the statements of Rivero and Tschudi to the effect that the Indians did little work in wood (Fidel L6pez, Ope Notes to Pages 110-112 313 cit., p. 303; Rivero and Tschudi, Ope cit., p. 120). A great many articles made of wood have been found in the territory of the Atacamas.

65. "The judicious choice of material showed in itself the mastery to which the craftsmen in stone had attained" (Capitan and Lorin, Le travail en Amerique avant et apres Colomb, p. 130). 66. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 570. 67. Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xv; Rouma, La civilisation des Incas, etc., p. 54; P. Walle, Ope cit.} p. 163. The Peruvians also knew how to cut precious stones, notably emeralds. 68. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 469. 69. A pologetica, ch. Ivi. Las Casas speaks of black stones used in building the royal dwellings and the temple of the Sun at Tomebamba. Garcilaso also mentions these black stones in describing the temple of Cacha, south of Cuzco (op. cit., Bk. V, ch. xxii). 70. Ope cit., p. 210. 71. Bingham, "In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit., p. 448. A slab of por phyry at Ollantaytambo measures approximately seven by ten feet (Gran didier, Ope cit.,p. 93). "They did not build with any stones less than ten feet square" (Montaigne, Essays, Book III, ch. vi). It is difficult to dis tinguish the monuments belonging to the Inca period from those that were erected earlier. The cyclopean walls are undoubtedly often very ancient, and Humboldt is mistaken in considering the ruins of Tiahua naco as typical of Inca architecture (Vues des Cordilleres, etc., I, 309); but this is not always the case, for the Incas were imitators, and, accord ing to Pablo Chal6n, the fortress of Cuzco is a relatively recent copy of Tiahuanaco (Los edificios del antiguo Peru [Lima, 1884], p. 93). Some of the blocks of stone in this fortress reached a height of over fifteen feet.

72. Squier, "Quelques remarques sur la geographie et les monuments du Perou," Bulletin de la Societe de geographie, January, 1868. 73. James Ferguson, A History of Architectur.e in All Countries from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (London, 1887), II, 587-588; F. Lopez, Ope cit., p. 316. Excellent photographs of walls may be found in several books, particularly those of Bingham ("In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit., p. 416) and Middendorf (Peru, etc., III, 477). 74. Wiener declares that at Ollantaytambo some of them were from twenty five to thirty feet high and that they attained a height of forty feet at Viracochabamba and sixty at Huamachuco (Peru et Bolivie, etc., pp. 480 et seq.). Cf. Velarde, Arquitectura peruana, Pt. I. 75. J. Dechelette, Manuel d'archeo[ogie prehistorique (Paris, 1908), p. 387. 76. H. Rowe, Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Conquest, p. 226, n. 10. 77. Historia, III, 551. The same question has been raised in regard to the erection of the colossal statues on Easter Island. Mrs. Routledge has studied it very' carefully in her recent book (The Mystery of Easter Island [London, n.d.], p. 197). She acknowledges that these massive blocks of stones could have been extracted from quarries and set up on embankments, but she does not explain how they could have been 314 Notes to Pages 112-114 moved for considerable distances, even if we assume that rollers and rigging were used. The mystery remains.

78. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VII, ch. xxvii; Morua, Ope cit., p. 65. 79. Ope cit., p. 138. 80. Betanzos, Ope cit., ch. xiii; Rouma, La civilisation des Incas, etc., p. 45, n.l. 81. Betanzos, Ope cit., p. 109; Suarez, Ope cit., Pt. II, pp. 168 et seq. 82. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., pp. 150 et seq.; Bingham, "In the Won derland of Peru," Ope cit., p. 486. 83. Prescott, Ope cit., p. 813. 84. Ope cit., Bk. II,ch. xiv; Morua, Ope cit., p. 161. Squier does call attention to an arch at Pachacamac (Peru, etc., p. 70), but Uhle asserts that it is of Spanish construction (Jij6n y Caamafio, "Nueva contribuci6n al cono cimiento de los aborigenes de la provincia de Imbabura de la Republica del Ecuador," Ope cit., p. 115). On the other hand, false vaults are often encountered, consisting of a shouldered arch, i.e., a lintel carried on corbels projecting from the supporting stones, which are arranged in steps, without any need for a keystone. Velasco contends that the Caras made use of the arch (op. cit., II, §9).

85. Suarez, Ope cit., I, 155. 86. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, ,etc., pp. 486 et seq. and 503 et seq. 87. According to Bingham ("In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit., and Inca Land, p. 331), Machu Picchu was the place of refuge of the amautas during the intermediate period, and the cradle of the Inca dynasty was Tampu Toko-toko meaning "window." Las Casas speaks of windows which served to light the tambos built along the highways by order of the sovereigns for persons traveling on official business; but this is cer tainly an error, as J. de la Espada observes ("De las antiguas gentes, etc.," Ope cit., p. 191, n. 1). Even where openings were made in the walls, they were kept to an indispensable minimum, for, as the Peruvians knew nothing of glass, these apertures admitted the cold air along with the light. 88. Bingham, "In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit., p. 467. On page 485 of this book there is a photograph of a very beautiful door with a mono lithic lintel. Middendorf (Peru, etc., III, 118) also includes a picture of a beautiful monolithic door in Huanuco Viejo. From observations made at Incapirca in the province of Canar, where two holes were drilled at the base of each jamb in corresponding positions in the stone, it would appear that the doors were raised and lowered like drawbridges and were attached by ropes. "The latter, passing through the grooves cut in the stone, could hold the base of the door and have the effect of a hinge"

(Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., pp. 83 et seq.). 89. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XIV, ch. iv. It is not known whether the locks found in Bolivia and which are. exhibited in the ethnographic museums of Neuchatel and Berlin date from before the conquest (Van Gennep, "Etudes d'ethnographie sud-americaine," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, N.S., 1914, Vol. II). When the Indian left his home, he often was content merely to place a little stick across the enNotes to Pages 114-116 315 trance as a sign that the master was out and that no one was to enter (Calancha, Cor6nica moralizada, Vol. I, Bk. I, ch. xv). 90. With the exception, perhaps, of the roof of short grass and reeds on the turret of Azangaro (Reclus, Geographie universelle, XVIII, 607). 91. Jerez, op. cit., p. 330. 92. Some of the more important buildings may have had a covered inner gallery,forminga kind of atrium (Wiener,Perou et Bolivie,lete., p. 505).

Herrera declares that the straw of which the roof:) were made was so tightly compacted that it would last for several years if not destroyed by fire (op. cit., Dec. V, Bk. V, ch. i). 93. Prescott, op. cit., p. 780. 94. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. III, ch. xx and xxi; Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xxvii; Betanzos, op. cit., ch. xi; R. Lehmann-Nitsche, "Corican cha," Revista del Museo de la Plata, XXXI (1928), 1. 95. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. III, ch. xxiv. Among other interesting descriptions of temples, we may mention that given by Cieza de Le6n (Cr6nica, Pt. I, ch. lxxxix) of the temple of Vilcas, which was reached by two stone stairways, each guarded by forty doorkeepers, that given by Garcilaso (op. cit., Bk. V, ch. xxii) of the temple of Viracocha, sixteen leagues from Cuzco, and those of the very famous sanctuaries of Pachacamac on the coast and of Copacabana on the shore of Lake Titicaca (Estete, Relaci6n; Ramos Gavilan, Historia del celebre santuario de Nuestra Senora de Copacabana y sus milagros ,e invenci6n de la cruz de Carabuco).

96. Suarez says that the palaces of the Incas must have been gloomy, dark, and even ugly (op. cit., Pt. II, p. 181), and Pablo Chal6n declares that those of the Chimus were superior to them (op. cit., p. 93). 97. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. VI, ch. i. 98. Niches were set in the retaining walls or outer enclosures at Pucara and Kona on the island of Titicaca. Did they serve as shelter for the Indians and the crops at times of sudden torrential rains, or did they house the idols whose task it was to preside over the work of the fields? We do not know (Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., Pt. IV, p. 235). 99. F. de Jerez, op. cit., p. 334. 100. Balboa, op. cit., ch. xi. Among other descriptions of places we may men tion those of Callo, near Latacunga, and of Hatun-Caiiar (A. de Ulloa, Voyage de l'Amerique m,eridionale, etc. [F. tr.], pp. 387-389). Morua describes a palace in which the wife of the Inca Roca lived and which had more than one hundred rooms, twenty gates, and four great courts (op. cit., p. 47), but his report is based only on hearsay.

101. Perhaps this custom has a religious basis. The Indians believed that the souls of the dead would one day return to take possession of their bodies and that they would be happy to find their old homes waiting for them. 102. Middendorf, Peru, etc., III, 519. Buschan sees in these precolumbian habitations the prototype of today's Bolivian corral (Illustrierte Volker kunde, I, 399). 103. The wall of the temple of Viracocha at Racche is made of brick (Bing ham, Inca Land, p. 129). 104. Cobo, op. cit., Bk. XIV, ch. iii; Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. I, ch. xii.

316 Notes to Pages 116-119 105. Jerez, op. cit'7 p. 333. The conquerors became so quickly familiar with the town plans that they no longer thought of describing them. As Helps remarks, it is Jerez, the companion and secretary of Francisco Pizarro, who supplies us with the best description of the Peruvian town (op. cit'7 Vol. III, p. 358, n. 1). 106. Twenty thousand, according to P. de Carabajal, "Descripci6n fecha en la provincia de Vilcas-Guaman," Relaciones geogrdficas, I, 166. 107. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 211. E. Harth-Terre ("Fundaci6n de la ciudad incaiea," Revista historica de Lima 7 Vol. XVI, 1943) explains the establishment of this town first as a measure of defense and then as an application of an astronomical and ritual idea. 108. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie 7 etc'7 p. 132. 109. Betanzos, op. cit'7 ch. xvi. On Cuzco, cf. L. E. Valcarcel, "Sobre el origen del Cuzco," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima 7 VIII, No. 2 (1939), 190, with maps indicating the routes presumably followed by the immi grants, and R. Larco Herrera, "EI Cuzco precolombino," Revista uni versitaria del Cuzco, II (1929), 224.

110. L. Valcarcel, HEI Cuzco precolombiano," Revista universitaria del Cuzco" No. 44 (1924). The city was traversed by another, smaller stream, the Tullumayu. Ill. R. de Lizarraga, Descripcion breve, etc., ch. lxxx. Cf. De Contreras y Valverde, "Relaci6n de la ciudad del Cuzco," Relaciones geogrdficas7 II, 180. 112. Pedro Sancho de la Hoz,Relacion" p. 192; Garcilaso, op. cit."Bk. VII, ch. viii. 113. "An extraordinary, a unique city, in which thoughtful planning not only achieved an admirable fusion between the geometrical possibilities of symmetry and uniformity, on the one hand, ~nd the uneven character of its topography, on the other, but attained a sort of synthetic expression of the political geography of the entire empire" (H. Velarde, op. cit." p.37). 114. Nothing ismore difficult than to estimate the population of a community at a glance. Let us recall that Paris under Philippe Ie Bel did not num ber 250,000 inhabitants (Levasseur, La population fran~aise [Paris, 1889], I, 154 and 170).

115. This cotton is very pure, almost always free from grit and dust, but in ferior in quality to the Asiatic variety. Cf. C. Larrabure y Correa, Bref aper~u sur I',etat financier et economique du Perou (Brussels, 1914), p. 9. 116. The spindle weight or whorl is a cylindrical ring from one to two inches in diameter, which keeps the thread from slipping on the spindl~. It is sometimes shaped like a truncated cone. According to D'Harcourt, the South Americans were so far from any understanding of the wheel that the Peruvians did not make use of the principle· of the steelyard and its rotating movement (op. cit., p. 124, and Les tissus indiens du vieux Perou [Paris, 1924], p. 9). 117. D'Harcourt, Les tissus indiens du vieux Perou, p. 9; Beuchat, op~ cit., Pt. IV, ch. x; Garcilaso, op. cit'7 Bk. IV, ch. xiii. 118. "It is the most extraordinary textile development of a prehistoric people"

Notes to Pages 119-121 317 (Mead, Old Civilizations of Inca Land) p. 37, quoted from Murphy, Textile Industries). Holmes calls attention to the similarity between the textiles of the Peruvians and those of the Egyptians in the first centuries of the Christian era (Textile Fabrics in Ancient Peru) Bureau of Ameri can Ethnology, Bulletin 7 [Washington, 1889], p. 7). Cf. Crawford, "Peru vian Textiles," and "Peruvian Fabrics," Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History} XII, Pt. 3 and Pte 4 (1916); and UThe Loo:rn in the New World," The American Museum Journal~ XVI, No.6 (October, 1916). 119. Cr6nica} Pte I, ch. lxxvii-xciv. 120. Mme. Barnett, "Etude technologique d'un tissu peruvien antique," Jour nal de la Societe des Am,ericanistes de Paris} 1909. 121. D'Harcourt, Les tissus indiens du vieux Perou} p. 14. 122. Le travail en Am,erique} pp. 149 and 152. Cf. also La renaissance de l'art franfais, special number (August, 1926), p. 442.

123. "The Peruvians had discovered and applied the principle of brocade, which consists, as is known, in superimposing a second, more variable weft on the first, regular one and having it appear and disappear as it passes from front to back according to the exigencies of the design" (D'Harcourt, L'Amerique avant Colomb, p. 127). According to Sarmiento, Peruvian art owed this discovery to the Inca Viracocha (op. cit.) ch. xxv). What is also very remarkable is that the backsof Peruvian tapestries were not left unfinished and that both sides are often equally perfect (D'Har court, Les tissus indiens du vieux Perou) p. 15). 124. Hamy, Galerie americaine du musee d'ethnographie (Paris, 1897), pI. LI. Among recent writings on textiles we may mention: L. M. O'Neale and L. A. Kroeber, Textile Periods in Ancient Peru (University of California Press, 1930);R. Carrion Cachot, "La indumentaria en la antigua cultura de Paracas,"Wira Kocha) No.1 (1931); B. K. de la Torre, "Clasificacion tecnica de los tejidos antiguos del Peru," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima} VII, No.1 (1938), 137.

125. Valette, "Note sur la teinture de tissus precolombiens du Bas-Perou," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, X (1913), pp. 43-46. 126. Rouma, La civilisation des Incas} etc.} p. 55; Rivero and Tschudi, Ope cit.} p.128. 127. For example, in the region of Ecuador that stretches to the east of Riobamba. Each maguey plant can yield an average of about fifteen and a half pounds of fiber (P. Walle, op. cit., p. 201). On the uniformity of the ancient methods of weaving among the Andean peoples, even those that were widely separated from one another, and the survival of these methods among their descendants, cf. R. D'Harcourt, "Le tressage des frondes au Perou et en Bolivie," Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris} 1940, p. 103. We shall speak of the making of weapons when we discuss the army. 128. Hebert, "Quelques mots sur les techniques des ceramistes peruviens," Journal de la Societe. des Americanistes de Paris, IV (1903). Even today many of the potters of the plateau are ignorant of the wheel.

129. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie} etc.} p. 625.

318 Notes to Pages 123~.J 24 NOTES TO CHAPTER IX 1. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxxvi. 2. Las Casas, Apologetica, ch. cclvii. 3. Montesinos, Ope cit., ch. iv. 4. Ibid., ch. xii and xv. 5. R. Porras Barrenechea, "Quipus Y. quilca," Mercurio peruano, January, 1947, p. 3. Among the writers who accept the statement of Montesinos are: Wiener, Essai, etc.; Brehm, Ope cit., p. 413; Lorente, Ope cit., p. 290; Irigoyen, "Inducciones, etc.," Ope cit., p. 38. A Posnansky has collected ideographic documents prepared by the missionaries shortly after the conquest in order to transcribe certain parts of the catechism for the natives. He maintains that this writing is of pre~Columbian origin (Guia general, etc., p. 78). It is certain that the ancient Peruvians drew some signs, but were these true hieroglyphics or mere figurations? We do not know. (Cf. Bollaert, On Ancient Peruvian Graphic Records, s. 1. et a.).

If the Indians had wanted to make use of writing, the materials for it would not have been lacking, for the Agave is common on the plateau. Morua tells how the Spaniards, finding themselves without paper and ink, often wrote on bark with the juice of certain fruits (op. cit., p. 179). According to Humboldt, a Franciscan missionary found' on the banks of the Ucayali books of paintings made of leaves of cotton cloth held together with an Agave thread and sent one of them to Lima, where it was mislaid (Vues des Cordilleres, etc., I, 203). On the other hand, cer~ tain authors believe that drawings appearing on articles made by the Chimus can be identified as characters (Larco Hoyle, Ope cit., II, 85) and that these people must therefore have been acquainted with ideographic writing, but forbidden by the conquering Incas to make use of it (Velez L6pez, "~Existi6 la escritura entre los Yungas?" Proceedings, 21st Inter national Congress of Americanists, 1924, p. 87). Cuneo Vidal believes that he has found evidence of ideographic writing in the bas-reliefs of Tiahuanaco (Historia de la civilizacion peruana, p. 115). As for the writing of the Mayas, it could not have been taken to South America by the Mayan immigrants themselves, because in that remote period the hieroglyphic signs of the Mayas were used only as ornaments (Spinden, "Notes on the Archaeology of Salvador," American Anthropologist, 1915).

The Chibchas, though closer to Central America than the Quechuas were, were ignorant of the art of writing (Restrepo, Ope cit., ch. xv). 6. Ope cit., ch. xiv. Perhaps there is some connection between this rod and those sheathed in gold and silver and marked with lines and shapes that have been found at Chordeleg, although this city had completely dis appeared at the time of the Incas (Suarez, Ope cit., I, 174). Suarez conjec tures that the Cafiaris wrote on rods. In that case, Huayna Capac, who was born at Tomebamba, might well have been acquinted with this method of writing. Las Casas reports that the imperial couriers carried rods with certain marks on them that assured the authenticity of their messages (A pologetica, ccliii). 7. Bollaert, Antiquarian, Ethnological, etc., p. 5, D. 3. For the Chinese, cf.

Notes to Pages 124-126 319 Bastian, Die Kulturliinder des alten Amerika, II, 75. Anello Oliva main tains that the quipu was invented by a favorite of Mayta Capac (Histoire du Perou [F. tr.], p. 44). This information is suspect, and we prefer to believe, with Calancha, that the quipu dates from time immemorial (Cor6nica moralizada, etc., ch. xiv). 8. Velasco, Ope cit., II, 7; Cevallos, Ope cit., I, 28. 9. Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., p. 244. 10. Dra.wings of these computers may be found in Cronau, Ope cit., II, III; Suarez, Ope cit., Pt. II ("Atlas geografico"), pI. III; Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., p. 246; and Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 776. 11. Wiener, ibid. Acosta refers to the custom certain Indians had of using stones to express ideas. "It is really marvelous to see old men learning the paternoster with one circle of little stones, and with another the Ave Maria, and with still another the Credo, and knowing what every stone means: who was conceived of the Holy Spirit, who suffered under Pontius Pilate .... For my own part, a single one of these circles of stone would be enough to make me forget everything I knew by heart"

(Acosta, Ope cit., Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. viii). The same author recalls that the Indians also made use of rude paintings and calculated by means of kernels of maize. 12. Ope cit., I, 99. 13. In Leland Locke's liThe Ancient Quipu, a Peruvian Knot-Record (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1923) there are some ex cerpts from early writers on the subject of quipus, but his bibliography is incomplete (a part of this book reproduces an article by the same author under the same title which appeared in the American Anthro pologist, XIV [1912], 325-332). M. T. de Guimaraes is of the opinion that the quipu must have expressed words and ideas. According to M. Uhle, on the contrary, the quipu was merely a technical aid to memory, com plemented by means of special marks on the knots, stories in prose, or short poems ("Algo sobre el quipu. With a Note by Max Uhle," Revista hist6rica de Lima, II [1907], 55-65). According to M. L. Cipriani, ideas must have been expressed by the quipu discovered at Ancon and now in the National Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology at Florence, which differs from all other quipus so far collected (the cords between the knots are divided in half, there are loops at the ends, etc.). Cf.

Cipriani, "Su due 'quipus' del Museo nazionale di Antropologia e Etnologia di Firenze," Proceedings, 22nd International Congress of Americanists, Pt. I (Rome, 1926), 471-480. 14. According to Nordenskiold, the simple knots were used to denote tens and multiples of ten, and the complicated knots were reserved for units. In fact, the latter are usually found in the lower sections of the quipus. They must not be confused with the very small knots tied at the ends of the cords to keep them from raveling ("Le calcul des annees et des mois dans les quipus peruviens," Journal de la Societe des Am,ericanistes de Paris, 1926, p. 53). 15. Mead, Old Civilizations, etc., p. 99. According to Rivero and Tschudi (op. cit., p. 231), one must also take account of the way in which the 320 Notes to 'Pages 126-128 knots are tied and the strings twisted and the distance from the strings to the principal knot. Morua also maintains that the thickness of the knots has some significance (op. cit., p. 178).

16. Coronica rnoralizada, Bk. I, ch. xiv (p. 90 in the edition of 1638). 17. The anonymous translator of Toulouse, whose style is very piquant (cf. Appendix, "The Historical Sources," infra), in summarizing this passage of Calancha, makes a number of mistakes, of which a particularly bad example is to be found in his translation of the sentence concerning the knots that enumerate the casualties of the enemy.. He concludes the passage in the following terms: "Now anyone seeing the lower half of this cord, with such a large number of threads in so many colors and with so many little knots, and the upper half with a few threads looking like straws and a thousand colorless knots, would say: These people before Manco Capac had no king, since there is no scarlet thread; they had no law and order, since there are no gray threads; they were not drawn up [sic: rediges] in provinces, since there are nO cords of different colors; they had no wars [sic], for there is no red thread; ·they were given neither gold nor silver, since there is no white or yellow thread. In short, they lived without religion, since there is no white, yellow, and blue cord. Thus, those who looked at the quipu would see from the lack of colors, knots, or threads, by elimination, what had not been done, and would understand what had been done" (p. 24).

18. Cieza de Le6n, who was by no means credulous, on seeing an Indian of Jauja, with the aid of a quipu, give a complete account of everything he had given to the Spaniards, exclaimed, "En verdad yo quede espantado dello" ("I found it absolutely astonishing").-Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xii. Observations to the same effect may be found in G6mara, Ope cit., ch. cxcv; Las Casas, Apologetica, ch. cclvii; G. de Santa Clara, Ope cit., III, 549; and Sarmiento, Ope cit., ch. ix. "Everything that books can contain in the way of histories, laws, accounts of festivals, stories is supplied by the quipus .... Just as we can construct an infinite number of sen tences by combining the letters of our alphabet in different ways, so the Indians with their knots and colors express innumerable kinds of mean ing" (Acosta, Ope cit., Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. viii). Morua likewise expresses his stupefaction on seeing an old Indian using his quipu "as if it were paper and ink" (op. cit., p. 178).

19. Squier, Peru, etc., p. 571. De Pauw does not even believe in the existence of the quipust (De Carli, Ope cit., Letter XXII.) 20. There is one in the Mus'ee de l'Homme in Paris. The opinion, which was widespread among the Spanish missionaries, that the quipus were formu laries of magic seems to lend some support to the theory advanced by Nordenskiold. Having observed that the number seven plays an impor tant role in the quipus and that some of the numbers appear to have astronomical significance, this scholar concludes that many of these cords were calendrical in nature and were used in divination (The Secret of the Peruvian Quipus, Comparative Ethnographical Studies, GOteborg Museum [Gotebor~, 1925], Vol. VI, Pt. I. Cf. Louis Baudin, "La statisNotes to Pages 128-13.2 321 tique au temps des Inka," Revue politique et parlementaire, September 10, 1927, p. 463. 21. Rivero and Tschudi, Ope cit., p. 232.

22. Tello and Miranda, Ope cit., ch. v. It is possible that the ancient quipus likewise served to measure quality as well as quantity, a purpose that could very well be achieved simply by assigning to each individual a coefficient in keeping with his intelligence, capacity, or good will. 2g. Ci~za de Le6n, Cr6nica 7 Pt. It ch. xix. The division given by C. de Castro is incomprehensible (op. cit., p. 208). 24. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. II, ch. xiv. Means says that these reports were due each month (A Study, etc., p. 455). C£' Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 776. 25. Ondegardo, "Report," Ope cit., p. 155. 26. Coronica moralizada, ch. xiv; Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," Ope cit., p. 213. 27. This did not prevent certain curacas from attempting to conceal Indians in underground hiding places in an effort to reduce their own tax pay ments, as C. de Castro reports (op. cit., p. 213). It is really hopeless ever to obtain exact statistics.

28. C. de Castro, loco cit. 29. Thomas More, Of the Best State of the Public Weal and of the New Isle Called Utopia, Bk. II, ch. vi. 30. Ondegardo, Relacion, p. 50; Santillan, Ope cit., §82. 31. The Jesuits in Paraguay also forbade the Indians to move away from their villages (Lugones, Ope cit., p. 221). 32. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxiv; Rouma, La civilisation des Incas, etc., p.8. 33. Morua, Ope cit., p. 182; Estete, in Jerez, Ope cit., p. 341. 34. Las Casas, Apologetica, ch. cclviii. 35. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VII, ch. i. Markham writes mitimac (Contributions Towards a Grammar and Dictionary of Quichua, the Language of the Yncas of Peru); Gonzalez Holguin, mitmac (Vocabulario, etc.); R. P. Raurich, mitimai (op. cit.); Middendorf, mitma (Worterbuch, etc.). 36. Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xxii. G. Rouma tells of having visited the ruins of one of these frontier garrison posts at Samaipata in Bolivia (La civilisation dies Incas, etc., p. 12).

37. For example, the Collas were mitimaes in the region of Tacna (Cuneo Vidal, "EI cacicazgo de Tacna," Revista historica de Lima, 1919, p. 321, and "EI Collasuyo de los Incas," Revista chilena de historia y geo gratia, 1914, p. 170). 38. Latcham, La existencia de la propiedad, etc., p. 23, n. 2. 39. Cieza. de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xvii. M. Helmer, La vie economique au XVIieme siecle sur Ie plateau andin, Travaux de l'Institut fran~ais d'etudes andines, 1951. 40. Ondegardo, Relaci6n, p. 43. 41. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxiii. 42. Ondegardo, R,elaci6n, p. 46; M. Helmer, loco cit.

322 Notes to Pages 132-134 43. Ondegardo, "Report," Ope cit.~ p. 163. 44. Roman y Zamora, Ope cit.~ II, 31. 45. According to Wiener (P.erou et Bolivie~ etc.~ p. 742), Chimus were settled on the plateau to teach their art to the Quechuas. 46. "Relacion de la religion y ritos del Peru" (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, III, 31). This account deals with the province of Huamachuco, where mitimaes from Cuzco had been settled. 47. The inhabitants of the provinces of Chillhue and Chillcaras refused to leave their native lands to colonize other territories (Anello Oliva, H is toire du Perou [F. tr.], p. 52). The native popUlation naturally regarded the mitimaes with defiance and contempt (Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung~ etc.~ p. 69; Suarez, Ope cit.~ I, 66). 48. The initiation of this tyrannical practice is attributed by Sarmiento to Pachacutec (op. cit.~ ch. xxxix). 49. Ope cit.~ Bk. XII, ch. xxiii. Cieza de Le6n describes several mitimaes in the first part of his chronicle (for example, at Latacunga, ch. xiv; in the province of the Chinchas, ch. lxxiv; at Cajtuuarca, ch. lxxvii). Anello Oliva declares that Yahuar Huacoc, in order to put an end to rebellion, resolved to mingle together all the peoples that made up the empire and ordered that two-thirds of the population of every village should leave for other provinces, the inhabitants of which should take their places (op. cit.~ p. 51), but no other author mentions such a measure, and it seems altogether improbable.

50. o. von Buchwald, "Die Kara," Globus~ 1908, 123. 51. "De la orden que los yndios, etc.," (Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XVII, 113). 52. According to Alonso Ramos, one of the Incas, after expelling the in habitants of Copacabana on the shores of Lake Titicaca, peopled this peninsula with families chosen from the different tribes of the empire (Historia de Copacabana~ p. 11). This measure seems to have had a re ligious motivation, since the southern part of the lake, both the shore and the islands, was particularly venerated by the Indians. 53. Temporary migrations could also take place because of an exceptional drought or an occasional dearth of manual labor in a sparsely popUlated area. In such cases, of course, the emigrants would remain under the rule of their original chiefs (Ondegardo, Relacidn~ p. 137; Bastian, Die Kul turliinder~ etc.~ II, 546; Trimborn, "Der Kollektivismus, etc.," Ope cit.~ p. 600).

54. Ondegardo, "Report," Ope cit., p. 155. 55. Bourguin, Les systemes socialistes et l',evolution economique~ p. 20. 56. We shall use the word "province" in the Spaniards' sense of "large ad ministrative district," when the documents do not admit of further specification. At the present time a province in Peru is a subdivision of a department. 57. Tello and Miranda and Castaing assume an average of ten persons to a family unit, while Means speaks of between five and seven (Tello and Miranda, Ope cit.~ p. 508; Castaing, Ope cit.~ p. 20; .Means, "A Study of Ancient Andean, etc.," Ope cit.~ p. 456). All these figures are arbitrary.

Notes to Pages 134-139 323 58. A different terminology is adopted by De Carli, who calls the chief of ten families a decarch (dizainier) and reserves the word "decurion" for the chief of five denaries (dizaines). Cf. Ope cit., Letter XIV. 59. Garcilaso, op. cit.~ Bk. II, ch. xi. 60. Sarmiento speaks of two governors general (suyoyoc apo), one of whom lived in Jauja and the other in Tiahuanaco (op. cit., ch. Iii). These could not have been the viceroys, because the latter had their residence in Cuzco. 61. "Informaciones acerca del senorio y gobierno, etc." (Colecci6n de libros espanoles raros6 curiosos, XVI, 218). 62. This continues to be the case in certain regions. It is called the mayoral in the province of Riobamba (Rivet, "Etude sur les Indiens de la region de Riobamba," Ope cit., p. 64). 63. Means, "A Study, etc.," Ope cit., p. 454. 64. Ope cit., p. 344. 65. Montesinos, Ope cit., ch. vi.

66. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. V, ch. xi. 67. Santillan, Ope cit., §10; Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xviii and xx; Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxv. 68. Damian de la Bandera, Ope cit., p. 100. 69. It is these, no doubt, whom the Licentiate Falc6n had in mind in speak ing of judges "tucuiricos que eran de fuera de la provincia" ("represent ing the tucricuc and coming from outside the province").-Op. cit., p. 147. Cf. Santillan, Ope cit., §14; Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. II, ch. xiv; Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xviii. 70. Sarmiento, Ope cit., ch. Iii, p. 99. 71. C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 212. 72. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VII, ch. xiii, and Bk. IX, ch. iv. 73. Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung, etc., p. 107; Trimborn, "Der Kollekti vismus, etc.," Ope cit., p. 993. 74. Santillan, Ope cit., §§11 and 15. 75. C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 213. "De manera que como iba multiplicando la gente iban haciendo senores" ("as the population increased, new over lords were created").

76. o. von Buchwald, "La lengua de la antigua provincia de Imbabura," Boletln de la Academia nacional de historia, 1920, p. 180. 77. Cf. de la Torre, HEI regimen, etc.," Ope cit., p. 411; Zurkalowski, Ope cit., pp. 482 and 492. 78. Zurkalowski, Ope cit., p. 495. 79. Thomas More, Ope cit., pp. 69-70. 80. Tello and Miranda, Ope cit., p. 508. 81. L~Am,erique avant Colomb, p. 39. Hanstein writes that each official was in charge of "exactly the same number of persons," which is certainly inaccurate (op. cit., p. 28). 82. C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 208; Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," Ope cit., ch. xvii; Montesinos, Ope cit., ch. vi. 83. Sarmiento, Ope cit., ch. xviii and xix. 84. Las Casas, loco cit.; Montesinos, loco cit.

324 Notes to Pages 139-142 85. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxiv. 86. Durkheim, Les formes ,elementaires de la vie religieuse (Paris, 1912), p. 158; Bastian, Die Kulturlander, etc., II, 62. 87. Uhle, "Los origenes de los Incas," Ope cit., p. 302. G. Buschan believes that the hanan and the hurin classes were at one time exogamous groups within the ancient tribes (Illustrierte Volkerkunde, I, 385). Cf. Uhle, "EI ayllu peruano," Boletin de la Sociedad geogrdfica de Lima, 1911. Zurka lowski thinks that this division, very ancient on the plateau, was imposed upon the seaboard peoples by the Inca. This would explain the differ ence of opinion among the chroniclers, some of whom drew their in formation from the coast and others from the sierra (op. cit., p. 493). Means sees the hanan as the conquerors, who kept the lion's share for themselves, and the hurin as the vanquished, who were allowed to live on the less desirable lands ("A Study, etc.," Ope cit.) p. 43). G. de Santa Clara maintains that in besieging Cuzco, Tupac Yupanqui constructed at the gates of the coveted city another city which was meant to serve as a base of attack (op. cit., III, 433), very much as Abou Yakoub at the beginning of the fourteenth century had a town built on the site of his camp at Mansoura near Tlemcen, which he wished to invest. The two cities at Cuzco must then have later formed the two quarters (partial ites).

88. "El cacicazgo de Tacna," Ope cit., p. 311. 89. Urteaga, El imperio incdico, p. 54. 90. Ondegardo, "De la orden, etc.," Ope cit., p. 102; Fa1c6n, Ope cit., p. 156. This principle antedated the Incas. The Indians of the province of Vi1cas had to "build the house, make the clothes, supply, the seeds, and tend the flocks" of the local ruler (P. de Carabajal, Ope cit., p. 149). 91. "La boluntad del Ynga era la tasa" ("the tax depended entirely on the will of the Inca"), says Ondegardo (Relaci6n, p. 69). 92. Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xviii. 93. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxxiii. 94. Ondegardo, "De la orden, etc.," Ope cit., p. 103. The stocks of clothing quickly became so considerable that the Incas limited themselves to demanding one garment from each taxable married man. Cf. Santillan, Ope cit., §73; Castro, Ope cit., p. 218. 95. Cobo, loco cit. 96. Rodriguez de Aguayo, Ope cit., p. 96.

97. Ondegardo, Relaci6n, p. 63. 98. This was the case among the hunu of Tacna (Cuneo Vidal, "EI cacicazgo de Tacna," Ope cit., p. 311. 99. Santillan, Ope cit., §48; Fa1c6n, Ope cit., p. 153. 100. C. de Castro, Relaci6n, p. 218. 101. Latcham, La existencia, etc., p. 64. 102. Suarez, Ope cit., I, 48. 103. Anello Oliva, Histoire du Perou (F. tr.), p. 42. 104. Herrera (op. cit., Dec. V. Bk. IV, ch. ii) explains that the Indians were in the habit of crushing the lice with their teeth, not to eat them, but Notes to Pages 142-145 325 because their hands were occupied with their hair, which was long and hard to separate. This custom, like others, has continued to exist in the sierra to the present day. 105. Santillan, op. cit.) §50; C. de Castro, op. cit.) p. 217. 106. Falcon, Ope cit.) p. 158. Cf. infra) p. 150. 107. Damian de la Bandera, op. cit.) p. 100; Santillan, Ope cit.) §15. 108. Santillan, Ope cit.) §62.

109. The same is true in Paraguay. P. Hernandez, op. cit ... II, 92. 110. The royal ordinance of November 24, 1601 (Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XIX, 151). In the grants of two encomiendas issued by the Licentiate De la Gasca in 1550, the following are listed as taxes due: gold pesos, wheat, maize, potatoes, sheep [i.e., llamas], pigs, birds, partridges, eggs, salt, wood, sandals, clothing, Indians to tend the flocks, Indians for domestic service, and Indians to cultivate the fields ("Proveymiento de una encomienda por ellicenciado Gasca" [Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XXV, pp. 1 and 17]). Even in Spain the practice existed of paying taxes in the form of personal serv ice. On certain days of the year the peasants of Navarre had to work on the lands of the king and the lords (F. Costa, Ope cit.) p. 68, n. I). Theo retically, personal service was abolished in Peru in 1542 and again in 1549, but in practice it continued until 1601. A supplementary ordinance of 1609 forbade an Indian's being condemned to serve a white man, even as punishment for crime. The ordinance of 1549 provoked the uprising of F. Hernandez de Giron, after which its enforcement was temporarily suspended. Personal service sometimes reappeared under another guise. The cacique sent Indians to hire themselves out to the Spaniards, and the wages they received served to pay the tax due in cash to the encomendero.

Ill. Santillan declares that the exactions imposed in his day were heavier than at the time of the Incas (op. cit.) §66). The anonymous author of "Provehimientos generales y particulares del Pinl [sic]" (Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XI, 32) is of the opposite opinion. 112. Schaeflle, La quintessence du socialisme) p. 10. 113. Cobo, Ope cit.) Bk. XII, ch. xxx. 114. Garcilaso, Ope cit.) Bk. V, ch. v. 115. The sites of some of the storehouses on the sierra north of Cuzco in cluded Quito, Latacunga, Tomebamba, Cajamarca, Jauja, and Vilcas, and, to the south, Hatun-Colla and Paria (Payne, Ope cit.) II, 541). We do not know why this author maintains that such warehouses existed only on the sierra, for Ondegardo explicitly states the opposite (Relacion) p. 19). 116. Ondegardo, loco cit. Thomas More (op. cit.) ch. vii) makes provision for only two years. 117. Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," op. cit.) p. 48.

118. Ope cit.} p. 334. 119. Loc. cit.; Oviedo y Valdes, Ope cit.) Vol. IV, Bk. XLVI, ch. viii. 120. Cobo, Ope cit.) Bk. XII, ch. xxx; Pedro Pizarro, Ope cit.) p. 272.

326 Notes to Pages 145-148 121. A similar system was established by the missionaries in Paraguay (Charle voix, Histoire du Paraguay [Paris, 1757], II, 53-54; Fasbinder, Ope cit., p. 86). Cf. infra, p. 220. 122. Santillan, Ope cit., §41; Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxx. Pedro Pizarro tells of having seen an Indian who from his youth had been carrying loads of maize from Cajamarca to Cuzco. He was fed from the ware houses, and his loads had to arrive intact on pain of death (op. cit., p. 271). 123. C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 219. The Spanish chroniclers often mistook these movements of merchandise, effected by the authority of the government, for genuine commerce. 124. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxix; Ondegardo, Relacion, p. 27. 125. For a plan for stabilizing production by the accumulation of reserves in times of abundance and their distribution in periods of scarcity, cf. Bacon, "Stabilizing Production by Means of Reserves," American Eco nomic Review, March, 1924.

126. "This work [the construction of the roads] was certainly the greatest the world had ever seen, for it surpassed, without any doubt, all the works of the Romans," wrote Gutierrez de Santa Clara (op. cit., III, 539). 127. Essai sur les mreurs, Vol. II, ch. cxlviii. 128. "The roads climb the steepest gradients and are often practicable only for pedestrians," says Desjardins (Le Perou avant la conquete espagnole, etc., p. 165), and with good reasonl Ricardo Cappa goes even farther in his Estudios criticos acerca de la domina cion espanola en America. He regards the Spanish chroniclers' admiration for the Peruvian roads as excessive, on the ground that the flights of stairs on the mountainsides impeded the progress of the horsesl (De Ia Riva-Agiiero, "Examen de la primera parte, etc.," Ope cit.) 129. We have already mentioned the components that went into the making of pirca. Velasco, speaking of the ruins of a road that hesaw in Ecuador, gives his opinion of this material: "What I marveled at most of all was that where the torrents of water that rushed down from the mountain tops during the rainy season had washed away parts of the soil beneath the road, the causeway remained suspended in the air like a very solid bridge made of a single stone, so great was the strength of this mixture"

(op. cit., II, 59). These fine roads had their detractors: "The great high ways of Peru," says Abbe Raynal, "were nothing more than two rows of posts set in straight lines and intended solely as a guide· to travelers; the only great road was the one that bore the name of the Incas and traversed the entire empire" (op. cit., II, 147). 130. Ope cit., p. 326; Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 556; Beuchat, Ope cit., p. 649. The lateral walls had been especially constructed "two leagues before the entrance to each valley and two leagues after the exit from it" in order to keep the troops in line (C. de Molina, Relacion, p. 128. 131. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxxi. 132. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. IX, ch. xiii. 133. Notably at Collao. Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xv. 134. Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. I, ch. Ix; Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. IX, ch. xiii.

Notes to Pages 148-150 327 135. Morua, Ope cit., p. 187. The Roman roads did not reach such perfection and were often very narrow, as we may see from what remains of the Via Latina near Rome. 136. At the beginning of the first volume of G. de Santa Clara's Historia de las guerras del Peru~ there are two curious diagrams which can hardly be called maps. In the second, two double lines are drawn, exactly parallel, which show the two great highways, and which are framed by the Cordillera on one side and by the southern sea at the other. In reality, however, this parallelism was certainly far from being exact. Thus, the route of the llanos~ after leaving Tumbez, approached the western Cordillera, and that of the sierra approached the ocean in the same region, to the northwest of Huancabamba (Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. I., ch. lvii). Vi1cas was considered as the geographical center of the empire (Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica, Pt. I, ch. lxxxix). Many are the errors and even absurdities of which authors both ancient and modern have been guilty in describing these routes. G. de Santa Clara maintains that the roads were composed of three juxtaposed roadways: the Inca and his escort would take the middle one, while the troops and retainers would take those at the sides (op. cit., III, 540). In the "Demarcaci6n y divisi6n de las Indias," mention is made of two roads, one coming from the plateau of Ecuador, and the other from the coast of Peru, joining in Chile (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XV, 489). Anello Oliva repeats this inaccuracy and has the highway over the plain starting from Piura, south of Tumbez (op. cit., ch. i). According to Las Casas (A pologetica, ch. ccliii), the road from Chile ended at the Strait of Magel lan! In our day, C. Cantu has imagined that the two great arteries con nected Cuzco and Quito (Histoire universelle [F. tr.; Paris, 1867], XIII, 201). Buschan has the coast road starting from Loja and that of the sierra going down from Cuzco to Chile by way of Lake Titicaca ("Die Inka and ihre Kuhur, etc.," Ope cit.~ p. 425). Finally, A. Deberle, exceed ing .all bounds, writes: "The roads went from one mountain to another, passing above the valleys, which had to be filled in, and did not turn aside even to cross the lakes"! (Histoire de l'Amerique du Sud [Paris, 1876], p. 29.) 137. Cieza de Le6n, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xv.

138. Las Casas, Apologetica, ch. ccliii. 139. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie~ etc.~ p. 139. 140. Wolf, Ope cit., p. 38. 141. Means, "A Study, etc.," Ope cit.~ p. 462. 142. Langlois, "De ~i, de la, a travers Ie P,erou precolombien," La geographie ~ 1936, p. 29. 143. The chroniclers say that these were four, five, or six leagues apart, but the length of the league itself varied. It was, successively, 3,654 yards, then 4,567 yards, and finally, in the nineteenth century, 6,096 yards, at which time it was called the Castilian league (Paz Soldan, Diccionario geogrdfico-estadistico del Peru, p. xxv). The chroniclers sometimes used the Indian league, which was equivalent to two Spanish leagues, as the basis of their calculations (Montesinos, op. cit.~ ch. vii). A great 328 Notes to Pages 150-152 number of the villages on the plateau are still called Tambo or Tampu. 144. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxxii.

145. Squier, Peru, etc., p. 400. 146. Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit., pp. 77 and 79. Velasco maintains that a distinction must be made between the hostelry properly so called and the storehouse of which we have spoken above, in which a part of the tribute owed to the Sun and to the Inca was laid away (op. cit., II, 57). G6mara, on the contrary, confuses the two (op. cit., ch. cxciv), as does G. de Santa Clara (op. cit., III, 546). It is probable that these two kinds of edifices, though occupying different buildings, were placed under the care of a single group of Indians when they were of slight im portance. At the center of the empire some important ruins of tambos have been pointed out three leagues from Tampu, on the Vilcamayo (L. Valcarcel, "Estudios arqueoI6gicos," Revista universitaria del Cuzco, No. 51 [1926], p. 23). 147. For example, there were two tambos on the Azuay paramo, one on each side of the knot (Suarez, Ope cit., Pt. II, p. 168).

148. Essais, Bk. III, ch. vi. According to Las Casas, large and small tambos alternated (Apologetica, ch. ccliii). The translators of Algarotti use such absurd terms as "hospitals [hopitaux] for travelers" in referring to the first, and "kinds of caravansaries" in connection with the second ("Saggio sopra l'imperio degl'Incas" [F. tr.], Mercure de France, p. 98, n. 2; Lettres sur la Russie, p. 307). The latter term is also used by Brandt (op. cit., p. 106) and by Prescott (op. cit., p. 765). 149. Santillan, Ope cit., §97 et seq. 150. C. de Molina, "Relaci6n de la conquista, etc.," Ope cit., p. 115. 151. "Ordenanzas de tambos," Revista hist6rica de Lima, 1908. Cf. the letter written by the Marquis de Caiiete, viceroy of Peru, to the Emperor, dated September 15, 1556 (Collecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, IV, 109). 152. Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, etc., I, 290; Reiss, Carta d S. E. el Presidente de la Republica sobre sus viajes d las montanas del sud de la capital (Quito, 1873), p. 19.

153. Estete, in Jerez, Ope cit., p. 342. 154. Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 561. According to Rivero and Tschudi (op. cit., p. 140), Inca bridges still exist at the lagoon of Lauricocha in the Department of Junin and at Compuerta in the Department of Puno. Reclus (L'homme et la terre, iv, 409) reproduces a curious sixteenth century picture showing different means of crossing the rivers of Peru. 155. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. III, ch. xv and xvi; Acosta, Ope cit., Vol. I, Bk. III, ch. xviii; Zarate, Ope cit., ch. xi; Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XIV, ch. xiii; Velasco, Ope cit., II, 61. 156. Wiener believes that there was an aerial ferry of this kind on the Quebradonda (quebrada honda-i.e., deep ravine) between Cajabamba and H uamachuco, and he calculates the saving of time that this mode of passage made possible. To go down into the ravine and climb up again on the other side takes two and a half hours; by way of the oroya the crossing took ten or fifteen minutes (Plrou et Bolivie, etc., p. 139).

Notes to Pages 152-154 329 157. Cobo, op. cit.~ Bk. XIV, ch. xiii. 158. Garcilaso, Ope cit.~ Bk. III, ch. vii; Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica~ Pt. I, ch. lxxxix; Cobo, op. cit.~ Bk. XIV, ch. xiii; Calancha, Ope cit.~ II, 186; Hum boldt, Vues des Cordilzeres~ etc.~ II, 187. These bridges are mentioned by a great number of authors: Estete, G6mara, Lizarraga, Pedro Pizarro, Las Casas, etc. 159. Rouma, La civilisation des Incas} etc.~ p. 48. 160. G6mara, Ope cit.~ ch. cxciv. 161. In Jerez, Ope cit.~ p. 342. 162. Garcilaso, op. cit.~ Bk. III, ch. viii. Many suspension bridges were burned by the Indians to hold up the advance of the Spaniards. 163. "Relacion de D. L. de Velasco, Virrey del Peru, dado a su sucesor el Conde de Monterey, 28 Nov., 1604" (Coleccion de documentos del Ar chivo de Indias, IV, 429); Lettres edifiantes et curie uses (ed. of 1839), V, 228. 164. Raimondi, op. cit., I, 208; Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. III, ch. xv.

165. Acosta, op. cit.} Vol. I, Bk. III, ch. xviii. 166. Estete, in Jerez, op. cit.~ p. 338; F. Pizarro, "Letter to the Royal Audienc:re, etc.," op. cit., p. 121; Pedro Sancho, Relaci6n~ p. 148; C6mara, op. ci,t.~ ch. cxciv; Morua, op. cit.} p. 182; Roman y Zamora surmises that there were separate bridges for men and women (op. cit.~ II, 39). 167. According to Leadbeater, some of the royal couriers were actual postmen, whose task it was "to transport without charge the letters of every person who claimed their services"! ("Le Perou antique," Le lotus bleu, 1901-02, p. 373.) 168. Morua, op. cit., p. 175. 169. The chroniclers differ widely in their estimates of the distances betwe~n these chozas. The anonymous author of the undated manuscript in the collection of unpublished documents from the Archives of the Indi~s (XV, 489), A. Oliva (op. cit., ch. i), and Cieza de Leon (Cr6nica) Pt. II, ch. xxi) speak of half a league. Garcilaso (op. cit.~ Bk. VI, ch. vii) and Santillan (op. cit.) §38) put it at a quarter of a league. Montesinos (op.

cit.) ch. vii) states it as an Indian league. G. de Santa Clara (op. cit.~ III, 545), Acosta (op. cit.) Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xvii), and Herrera (op. cit., Dec. V, Bk. IV, ch. i) refer to the distance as a league and a half. Velasco (op. cit.) II, 60) calls it two miles. According to Las Casas (Apologetica, ch. ccliii) and Roman y Zamora (op. cit., II, 38), for every league there were three shelters situated a thousand paces apart, with two Indians in each. As the couriers had to have a clear view of the road for a con siderable distance and send smoke signals back and forth to one another, the interpretation given in the text seems the most logical. The chozas were situated on the hilltops near the fortress of Caiiete (E. Harth-Terre, "Incahausi," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima) 1933, p. 101. 170. This would explain why Garcilaso speaks of four or six Indians, and Las Casas and Roman y Zamora of three shelters (loc. cit.).

171. This system is analogous-with all due allowance-to that of the runners employed during the First World War to enable the commander of a unit to transmit his orders to the front line and to receive information 330 Notes to Pages 154-157 even when the telephone lines had been cut by bombardment. There were two of these couriers for each trench. 172. Morua, Ope cit., p. 26; Ondegardo, Relacion, pp. 72 and 74. 173. A number of other estimates are manifestly exaggerated-e.g., those of Santa Clara and Las Casas, who maintain that messages were transmitted from Quito to Cuzco in three or four days (G. de Santa Clara, Ope cit., III, 545; Las Casas, Apologetica, ch. ccliii). Las Casas speaks of 1,500 couriers stationed at intervals along the road between Cuzco and Quito. Velasco estimates that for a single great artery the number of couriers would be more than 4,000 (op. cit., II, 60). However, all these figures are highly dubious. Wiener estimates that a hardy Indian could run a kilometer-about % of a mile-in four minutes (Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 559).

174. Zarate, Ope cit., Bk. I, ch. ix; Las Casas, Apologetica, ch. ccliii. 175. Cieza de Leon, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xxi. 176. Acosta, Ope cit., Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xvii; Morua, Ope cit., pp. 26 and 118. Spanish couriers on horseback took from twelve to thirteen days to go from Lima to Cuzco (Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxxii). Wiener calcu lates that fish caught in the early morning in the Pacific Ocean could reach Cajamarca in time for the Inca's supper that evening. He adds that five days would be necessary to cover the same stretch with good mounts (Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 559, n. 1). 177. Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cor6nica, p. 352. Cf. Means, "Some Comments, etc.," Ope cit., p. 350. In addition to the regular couriers, the Inca some times made use of special messengers chosen from among the men of his guard. These were fed and taken care of along the route by the men in charge of the tambos (J. de la Espada, Relaciones geograficas, Vol. II, App. I, p. x, n. b).

178. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxxvi. This is the reason why, according to Cieza de Leon, the tambos were placed such short distances apart (Cr6nica, Pt. I, ch. lxxxii). 179. The chroniclers are not in agreement on the number of litter-bearers. Montesinos speaks of eight, which seems to be a minimum figure. Their number must, in fact, have been considerable in order to keep any false step from being perceptible. Jerez and Hernando Pizarro both report that Indians came to Cajamarca to sweep the road the Inca was to fol low. Indeed, even the important dignitaries who preceded the royal litter in the mountain passes did not disdain to perform this office (Jerez, Ope cit., p. 332; Montesinos, Ope cit., ch. xxii; H. Pizarro, Ope cit., p. 118). 180. Morua, Ope cit., p. 160; Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. xiv. 181. "Ordenanzas de tambos," Ope cit., p. 468. 182. GOmara, Ope cit., ch. cxciv.

183. "Provehimientos generales y particulares del Pint" (Colecci6n de docu mentos del Archivo de Indias, XI, 29). 184. Stiglich, Geografia comentada del Peru (Lima, 1913), p. 85. 185. Squier, Peru, etc., p. 400. Present-day governments are making great ef fortsin this field. In 1920 the legislature thought of reviving an ancient custom which would compel the Indian communities to co-operate with· Notes to Pages 157-159 331 out charge in the execution of public works, but it forgot that in past ages the laborers had been supported at the Inca's expense. The com munities themselves protested against this measure (First Native Congress of Lima, July, 1921), the law was repealed in 1930, and a three-year plan was put into effect in 1936 (d. EI Peru en marcha, p. 390). 186. op. cit., p. 121. 187. Cieza de Leon, Cronica, Pt. II, ch. xv. "Incredibili miraculo per quin genta pasuum. m.illia perpetuam. viarn rnontani tractus aequarunt" ("by an incredible miracle, they laid a continuous level road through twenty miles of mountainous terrain"), writes Levinus Apollonius, Ope cit., p. 37).

188. "In 1706, the Queen took eighteen days to go from Madrid to Bur gos. . . . As late as 1740, D. Bernardo de Ulloa reported that the lack of bridges obliged travelers to make long detours and often forced them to wait for the waters to subside sufficiently for the streams to be forded" (Desdevises du Dezert, L'Espagne de l'ancien regime. La richesse et la civilisation [Paris, 1904J, p. 128). Tambos were as rare in Spain as bridges, and on the route from Saragossa to Barcelona villages of five hundred inhabitants had no inn. Even in France in the eighteenth century the great highways were broken by swamps, bridges were infrequent, and the crossroads were impracticable (Henri See, La France ,economique et sociale au XVlllieme siecle [Paris, 1925], pp. 113 et seq.). 189. Zarate, Ope cit., Bk. I, ch. vi; Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, etc., II, 334. The Inca Huayna Capac had rafts transported for his entertainment from Tumbez to Lake Bomh6n (Estete, in Jerez, op. cit., p. 341). This lake is situated on the plateau between Lake Lauricocha and the village of Tarma.

190. Urteaga, "E1 arte de navegar entre los antiguos peruanos," Revista his torica de Lima, Vol. V (1913-17). There is a drawing of a raft with a sail in the third book of Benzoni's Historia. 191. Sarmiento, Ope cit., p. 91; Pi'etschmann, "Introduction" to the Geschichte of Sarmiento, pp. xxx and cx; Balboa, Ope cit., ch. vii. Several modern historians think that they were the Galapagos Islands, but this opinion, which was that of Sarmiento himself, is not well founded, for the Peru vian conquerors brought back spoils that certainly did not originate in those islands: black men, gold, a copper throne, a hide and a bone of a horse. These trophies were preserved in the fortress of Cuzco until the Spanish conquest. The length of the voyage, which lasted between nine and twelve months, leads one to believe that the Inca may have reached one of the islands of Polynesia. But Sarmiento contends that the Peru vians must have been acquainted with these distant lands from· the tales of merchants who came from there. Could there, then, have been a sea borne trade between Oceania and South America?

192. Urteaga, loco cit. 193. Frezier, Ope cit., p. 109; William B. Stevenson, A Historical and Descrip tive Narrative of Twenty Years' Residence in South America, etc. (Lon don, 1829), II, 223. However backward the Peruvians may have been in the art of navigation, it clearly cannot be said, as Algarotti does (op. cit., p. 117), that they were entirely ignorant of it. "For fishing they make 332 Notes to Pages 159-160 lise of a contrivance known among them as barce. It consists of two seal skins sewn together, from nine to ten feet long, and inflated to the size of a drum. They do the same with two other skins, and then join the two pairs, leaving a space of about two feet between them over which they place a plank covered with sealskin on which they sit, and they row with a two-bladed oar" (Durret, Ope cit., p. 190). "Two separate sections placed one beside the other and fastened together make up the whole body of this boat. Each of these sections is composed of several sealskins sewn together .... These two inflated skins are connected by pieces of wood laid crosswise and attached by stout thongs. This craft, when empty, hardly displaces any water, merely skimming the surface; and even when loaded it sinks at most to a depth of four to six inches" (P.

Lesson, Voyage autour du monde entrepris par ordre du gouvernement sur la corvette La Coquille [Paris, 1838], Vol. I, p. 508). 194. Morua, Ope cit., p. 166. 195. This, at least, is how we account for the discrepancies on this point to be found among the chroniclers. Garcilaso, who always had in mind the law of the Inca and had no thought of anything beyond the decrees of the sovereign, could not see the subject in the same light as Santillan and C. de Castro, who were familiar with local customs and tended-especially the latter-to exaggerate their importance (Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. II, ch. xiii; Santillan, Ope cit., §13; C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 215). 196. Cf. infra, p. 193. 197. Prescott, however, asserts the contrary (op. cit., p. 755). C£' Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung, etc., p. 116. 198. Ope cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxvi. Cf. Leadbeater, Ope cit., p. 51; H. Trimborn, "Straftat und Siihne in AltPeru," Zeitschrift filr Ethnologie, 1925, p.

194, and "Der Rechtsbruch in den Hochkulturen Amerikas," Zeitschrift filr vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, ~I (1936), 7; H. Urteaga, La or ganizaci6n judicial ,en el imperio de los Incas, contribuci6n al estudio del derecho peruano (Lima, 1928). The Peruvian system is more or less analogous to that of "parallel punishments" advocated by E. Garc;on. Theoretically, the two systems are not identical. Gar\on deems it logical and .just that persons guilty of committing crimes and misdemeanors under the impulse of motives that are not dishonorable and by methods not condemned by the conscience should suffer different punishments from those prescribed in our penal code. He would thereby take account of the motives that determined the act and the means employed to attain the end chosen ("Les peines paralleles," R,evue penitentiaire et de droit penal, 1914, pp. 863 et seq.). Practically, such a system would be equiv alent to imposing, as in Peru, different punishments on the elite and the masses, for such motives and means as he describes are character istic of the behavior of the elite. But in Peru the division of society into separate classes made the solution of the problem much easier than in modern nations.

199. Among the Chibchas too the punishments were terrible. (Piedrahita, Ope cit., Bk. II, ch. iv.) However, in Peru they were not as bad as the Ency clopedists imagined: "1£ anyone committed the least offense against the Notes to Pages 161-164 333 king, the village from which he came was razed" I-Grande encyclopedie, 1765, under the word, Inca). Buschan writes that the Incas, to punish their subjects, cut off hands, nose, and ears or put out their eyes, but later on he acknowledges that the mutilations depicted on the vases could well be the results of disease ("Die Inka und ihre Kuhur, etc.," op. cit., pp. 422 and 447). 200. Balboa, op. cit., ch. x; Morua, op. cit., p. 172; Poma de Ayala, op. cit., p. 302. 201. Cobo, op. cit., Bk. XII, ch. xxvi; Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," op. cit., p. 234; Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. V, ch. iv; "Relacion anonima, etc.," Tres relaciones de antigiledades peruanas, p. 203. In the Nueva coronica y buen gobierno of Poma de Ayala (p. 302) there is a series of naive, but striking, drawings representing a stoning, a hanging, a flog ging, etc.

202. Cieza de Leon does, to be sure, speak of four virgins of the "temple of the Sun" who would appear to have had intercourse with men and to have been punished, but his account lacks precision (Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xl). 203. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. II, ch. xiii; Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," op. cit., p. 181. However, this rule was not followed when the class of the yanacuna was established (cf. supra, p. 51). 204. Cobo, op. cit., III, 241. 205. Rouma, La civilisation des Incas, etc., p. 15. 206. A. Villar y Cordova, "La educacion incaica," op. cit., p. 533. 207. "Relacion an6nima," op. cit., p. 200, Law 23. According to Morua, cap ital punishment for a minor theft was imposed only for a third offense (op. cit., p. 164). 208. It is absurd to say, "No money, no crime," as Edward Bellamy does (Looking Backward [Boston, 1888]). Crimes of passion would not disap pear if money were eliminated. The guilt of the accused was often deter mined by ordeals or "judgments of God," according to Father P. J. de Arriaga (op. cit., ch. v). H. Urteaga gives a list of misdemeanors and punishable crimes: offenses against life, against property, against author ity; lack of zeal in work; cases of abuse of power, negligence in service, breach of regulations (La organizacion judicial, etc.).

209. Morna, op. cit., p. 165. 210. Ondegardo, Relacion, p. 56. 211. "The commodity form of goods is only an historical category," says A. SchaefHe (La quintessence du socialisme [F. tr.], p. 65). 212. J. S. Nicholson, The Revival of Marxism, p. 67. A. Villar y Cordova writes that there was no free trade in Peru (op. cit., p. 520), and De Carli maintains that commerce was prohibited (op. cit., I, 357). 213. Cobo, op. cit., Bk. XI, ch. vii. 214. Latcham, El comercio precolombiano, pp. 21 and 26. 215. Jij6n y Caamafio, "Los tincullpas y notas acerca de la metalurgia, etc.," op. cit., pp. 37 and 38. 216. Nordenskiold, An Ethnogeographical Analysis Of the Material Culture of Two Indian Tribes in the Gran Chaco (GOteborg, 1919), p. 247.

334 Notes to Pages 164-J67 217. M. Uhle, "La esfera de influencia del pais de los Incas," Revista historica de Lima 7 1909, p. 9. 218. M. Uhle, "Ancient South American Civilization," Ope cit. 219. Latcham, EI comercio precolombiano 7 p. 30. 220. Rivet, "Les elements constitutifs, etc.," Ope cit.7 p. 13. 221. M. Uhle, "La esfera de influencia, etc.," Ope cit.7 p. 11. 222. Means goes so far as to say that the Aymara builders were indebted to the peoples of the coast, with whom they traded, for the elements of their culture ("Las relaciones entre Centro-America y Sud-America en la epoca prehistorica," Boletin de la Sociedad geogrdfica de Lima 7 1917). 223. "No trataban muy lejos de sus pueblos" ("they did not trade very far from their own villages").-Roman y Zamora, Ope cit.7I, 326. 224. "In the mountains he rarely is acquainted with more than two villages." -Means, "A Study, etc.," Ope cit.7 p. 442.

225. M. Uhle, "Los indios Atacamefios," Revista chilena de historia y geo grafia7V (1913), pp. 105 et seq. 226. Latcham, EI comercio precolombian0 7 pp. 28 and 34. 227. Joyce, Ope cit.7 p. 23. According to Friederici, traders from the plateau reached the banks of the Rio de la Plata and descended into the valley of the Amazon as far as its confluence with the Yapura (op. cit.7 p. 241). 228. Maize and coca thus exemplified the economic law "that if a commodity is in general use, under such conditions that its (marginal) utility to anyone who takes or gives it in exchange is not much affected by small transactions in it, then that commodity is so far well suited to act as a medium of exchange, and discharge the simpler functions of money for the small business of a primitive community" (Marshall, MoneY7 Credit, and Commerc.e [London, 1923], p. 272). 229. Joyce, Ope cit.7 p. 23; Restrepo, Ope cit'7 p. 126.

230. Verneau and Rivet, Ope cit.7 p. 273; Toribio Medina, "Monedas usadas por los indios de America al tiempo del descubrimiento," Proceedings, 17th International Congress of Americanists (Buenos Aires, 1910); Dorsey, Archaeological Investigations on the Island of La Plata (Chicago, 1901), p.259. 231. Ondegardo reports that the Indians of his day were still·ofIering shells as sacrifices ("Los errores y supersticiones, etc.," Ope cit.7 p. 39). Shells played the same double role in Malaya and Polynesia (Rivet, "Les ori gines de l'homme am'ericain," Ope cit.). Reproductions of pink and white shells may be found in M. Uhle, Kultur und Industrie sudamerikanischer Volker (Berlin, 1889), pI. XX, No. 57, 58, and 59. 232. Ope cit.7 I, 160. 233. Malachites from the region of Copiapo also served as money. These stones were pierced and threaded like shells (Latcham, "EI estado econ ornico y comercial, etc," Ope cit.7 p. 254).

234. G6mara, p. 226. Pascual de Andagoya was acquainted with Biru when he visited the province of Cochama ("Noticia biografica del adelantado Pascual de Andagoya" [Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias. XXXIX, 522]). 235. Prescott, Ope cit.7 p. 899.

Notes to Pages 167-169 335 236. Nordenskiold, "The Guarani Invasion of the Inca Empire in the Six teenth Century," Geographical Review~ IV (1917), p. 103; Sarmiento, Ope cit.~ ch. lxi. 237. Garcilaso, Ope cit.~ Bk. IX, ch. xv. Other prophecies, however, we must regard as inexplicable if we accept them as exact-notably the one that Garcilaso attributes to the Inca Viracocha, who lived well before the discovery of America (op. cit." Bk. V, ch. xxii, and Bk. IX, ch. xv). 2gg. IIelps, of>. cit... III, &20. 239. In Jerez, Ope cit.) p. 341. 240. Ope cit.~ p. 99; Balboa, Ope cit.~ ch. ix; Herrera, Ope cit.~ Dec. VIII, Bk. II, ch. xvi; Garcilaso, Ope cit.) Bk. VI, ch. xxxv. These fairs continue to be held in the towns of the plateau. Their origin seems often to have been religious. The people, meeting together in some sacred place, would bring their merchandise with them for barter. Today, on the high plateau, great fairs are held at H uari on Lake Poopo in Bolivia and at Huancayo between Lima and Cuzco (Wrigley, "Fairs of the Central Andes," Geographical Review~ VII [1919], 65).

241. The father of a family would be in a better economic position if his children were males, since he received a whole tupu for a son and only half a tupu for a daughter, and it has not been proved that a boy eats twice as much as a girl. 242. Cobo, Ope cit.~ Vol. III, Bk. XI, ch. vii; Santillan, Ope cit.} §64. 243. Garcilaso makes a distinction between fairs and markets and maintains that Pachacutec went so far as to make the latter daily occurrences (op. cit.) Bk. VI, ch. xxxv). Letourneau wrongly imagines that in America the liking for commerce was developed only at the instance of the Europeans. On the other hand, he is quite right in saying that domestic trade at the time of the Incas was limited to "small barter transactions between private individuals" (L'evolution du commerce [Paris, 1897], p. 201). Castonnet des Fosses writes to the same effect: "Trade was insig nificant. . . . The fairs were chiefly holiday festivals. . . ." (op. cit.~ p.

29). The village of Banos on the upper reaches of the Pastaza River in Ecuador, because of its ideal location at the end of the plateau and on the edge of the eastern forest, and thanks to its warm springs and its miraculous Virgin, is the type of place that is at once a market, a spa, and a center of pilgrimage. The Indian at Banos can purify his body, sanctify his soul, and get rid of his produce at advantageous prices. 244. Even raw materials might become objects of barter, as we shall see later on. 245. Hanstein, in speaking of the arrival of the Spaniards at Tumbez, where there was a great deal of commercial activity, limits himself to remarking, without comment, that this was a phenomenon contrary to Inca tradi tions (op. cit.) p. 117). Samanos' Relaci6n is mentioned in the Appendix ("The Historical Sources") of the present work. 246. Dorsey, Archaeological Investigations, etc., p. 253; M. Uhle, "La esfera de influencia, etc.," Ope cit., p. 22. Urteaga calls the marine commerce of the Peruvians "regular," but there is no basis for such an assertion (HEI arte de navegar entre los antiguos peruanos," Ope cit.). We have already 336 Notes to Pages 169-171 seen, in fact, what difficulties the navigators encountered (cf. supra, ch.

ii). The Incas also maintained trade relations with the tribes of the Chaco, as is evidenced by the identity of terms employed at great dis tances from the sierra. Perhaps, through the importation of European fish-hooks, the Peruvians were acquainted with iron before the arrival of the Spaniards (Nordenskiold, Deductions Suggested by the Geograph ical Distribution of Some Post-Columbian Words Used by the Indians of South America [Goteborg, 1922], p. 87). Juan de Salinas, in 1557, found Indians on the Ucayali who had once been to Cuzco (Nordenskiold, ibid., p. 24). According to Montesinos, some Indians from the eastern forests of Ecuador led stray soldiers of the army of Viracocha back in the direc tion of Cuzco, which they knew perfectly (op. cit., ch. xxv). 247. Balboa refers to these merchants who traveled through the various parts of the empire (op. cit., ch. ix). The Spaniards at Panama learned of the existence of the empire through the tales of traveling merchants who frequented that country (Prescott, Ope cit., p. 831).

248. "Relaci6n y descripci6n de los pueblos del partido de Otavalo," Rela/- ciones geogrdficas, III, Ill. 249. Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. Ix. 250. Ope cit., I, 123. 251. Prescott, op. cit., p. 805; Payne, Ope cit., II, 503. 252. Histoire de la conquete, etc., I, 37. Suarez says that there was no com merce (op. cit., I, 216), but elsewhere he seems to acknowledge the ex istence of local trade (ibid., I, 68). 253. "In former times the tribes from the plains used to go up into the moun tains to barter foodstuffs for precious metals, but this trade took place before they were subjugated by the Inca, and it ceased almost entirely after that" (Ondegardo, "De l'etat du p.erou, etc." [F. tr.], ch. ii). 254. M. Uhle, in Latcham, El comercio precolombiano, p. 43. Robertson criti cized the Peruvians for not having any commerce, but Velasco replies that the absence of trade was, on the contrary, a benefit (op. cit., I, 221). As the empire was organized like one big family, commercial transactions would have disturbed the harmony. In Paraguay, as in Peru, under the rule of the Jesuits trade was not prohibited, but it continued to be very limited (M. Fasbinder, Ope cit., p. 108).

255. Balboa, Ope cit., ch. ix. 256. Prescott, Ope cit., pp. 736 and 815; Friederici, op. cit., p. 242. 257. The Peruvian economy was completely different from that of Mexico. In Mexico there were great fairs and an actual class of traveling merchants who went about in armed groups with their retainers. Zinc, silver, gold, and cacao seeds were used as money (Herrera, op. cit., Dec. II, Bk. VII, ch. xv). The reading of the Nahua codices is difficult because of the pic torial and phonetic elements they contain (Rivet, Les langues du monde, p. 711). 258. Jerez, op. cit., p. 326. This passage has been copied word for word by Oviedo y Valdes, Ope cit., Vol. IV, Bk. XLVI, ch. iii. 259. "Tiene su portero que pide portazgo" ("it has its toll collector").-Estete, in Jerez, Ope cit., p. 338. Raimondi cites this passage without noticing Notes to Pages 171-173 337 how interesting it is (El Peru) II, 35). Hernando Pizarro also refers to toll bridges (op. cit.) p. 121).

260. Estete, Ope cit.) p. 342; Gomara, Ope cit.) ch. cxciv; Morua, Ope cit.) p. 161. "Pagaban pontazgo" ("they paid a bridge toll"), writes Morua. By em ploying the word pontazgo instead of portazgo) the writer indicates that he believed these tolls were collected only at bridges. However, such taxes were levied at other places as well-for example, at the place near Urcos. not far from Cuzco. where the road from the south passed through a defense wall (Cieza de Leon, Cronica) Pt. I, ch. xcvii). 261. Oviedo y Valdes, Ope cit.) Bk. VI, ch. xx, p. 206; Herrera, Ope cit.) Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. xv; Acosta, Ope cit.) Vol. I, ch. xix; R. de Aguayo, Ope cit.) p. 98. Subercaseaux, El systema monetario y la organizacion bancaria de Chile (Santiago, 1921), devotes only a few brief pages, of little interest, to preColumbian money (L. Baudin, "Notes sur I'Amerique du Sud," Revue d'economie politique) January, 1925, p. 132). The French writers of the eighteenth century-Abbe Raynal, for example (op. cit.) II, 144) persuaded that the Peruvians had no knowledge of money, offered them as an example to all peoples, which would have greatly surprised the Incas, who certainly were not acting from a love of virtue. In the opin ion of these writers, as well as of many modern socialists, money is the cause of all the vices. "They [the Peruvians] had no coined money, nor any established instrument of commerce" (Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations) II, 314).

262. Ope cit., Bk. XI, ch. vii. 263. Cf. Guevara, "Derecho consuetudinario, etc.," loco cit.; Wrigley, "Fairs of the Central Andes," Ope cit.) p. 65. In Paraguay, at the time of the missions, mat,e, tobacco, honey, and maize served as money. It will be recalled that the monetary dislocations following the First World War compelled great modern nations to revert to barter, for the reparations treaties provided for nothing else. 264. Garcilaso, Ope cit.) Bk. V., ch. vii. How different was this point of view from that of the Spaniards! When the latter arrived in Peru, the natives, seeing their horses champing at the bit, imagined that these strange animals lived on metal and offered them gold and silver, which their riders forbore to refuse. 265. Montaigne, Ope cit.) Bk. III, ch. vi, p. 697. 266. Sarmiento, Ope cit.) p. 99. 267. Herrera, Ope cit.) Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. xiii. 268. Nordenskiold, "The Ancient Peruvian System of Weights," Man) 1930, p. 155, and "Emploi de la balance romaine en Amerique du Sud avant la conquete," Journal de la Societe des Am,ericanistes de Paris) 1921; Rivet, "La balance romaine au Perou," L'Anthropologie) March, 1924. In the colonial period the Indians were still using their ancient methods of weighing (Herrera, Ope cit.) Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. xvi; Salinas Loyola, "Relaci6n y descripci6n de la ciudad de Loxa," Relacionesgeogrdficas,III, 218).

269. Wiener, Essai) etc.) ch. iv. 270. Zarate, Ope cit., p. 470.

338 Notes to Pages 173-177 271. Morua, Ope cit., p. 163. 272. De Crequi-Montfort, "Fouilles de la mISSIon scientifique fran~aise a Tiahuanaco," Proceedings, 14th International Congress of Americanists (Stuttgart, 1904), p. 564. 273. De la Riva-Agiiero, "Examen, etc.," Ope cit., p. 158. NOTES TO CHAPTER X 1. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 560; Belaunde, Ope cit., ch. vii; Trim· born, "Der Kollektivismus," Ope cit., p. 984. 2. This was already the opinion of Ondegardo ("Report," Ope cit., p. 153). Cunow took it over and exaggerated it (Die soziale Verfassung, etc., p. 50). 3. Santilhin, Ope cit., § 49; Hanstein, Ope cit., p. 88. 4. Las Casas, "De las antiguas gentes, etc.," Ope cit., p. 35. 5. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. xi. 6. Velasco maintains that there were always ten general commanders (op. cit., II, 50). 7. M. Uhle, "Los origenes de los Incas," Ope cit., p. 308. It is not quite clear how this system was reconciled with the numerical division of the popula tion. As in the civil organization, the figures for the size of military units were probably only approximations.

8. Oviedo y Valdes, Ope cit., Vol. IV, ch. xvii; Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. xvi; Cobo, op..cit., Bk. XIV, ch. vii. 9. When Las Casas reported that thousands of soldiers passed along the roads without taking a bit of fruit from the trees he felt it necessary to add: "Esto no es fibula sino verdad" ("this is not fiction, but fact"). A pologetica, ch. cclvi. 10. Morua, Ope cit., p. 157; Letter of the viceroy Francisco de Toledo, Septem ber 24, 1572 (J. de la Espada, Relaciones geograficas,Vol. II, App. I, p. x). This guard had been created only on the eve of the Spanish conquest, for the province of Caiiar had been brought into the empire late, under Tupac Yupanqui. It was to punish the Caiiaris for their loyalty to the legitimate sovereign, Huascar, that Atahualpa destroyed their capital, Tomebamba. 11. Jij6n y Caamaiio and Carlos Larrea, Un cementerio incdico, etc., p. 84; Santa Cruz Pachacuti, Ope cit., p. 102; Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk.

III, ch. xiv. Herrera speaks of 300,000 men assembled under Tupac Yu panqui to fight the Chancas, and then of 200,000 under the orders of Huayna Capac at the time of the war with Quito. Brehm and Hanstein accept this figure of 300,000, which seems very large, and one is tempted at first sight to regard it with some suspicion, the more so as historians have always been prone to exaggerate in such matters. We know what to think of the historians' accounts of the Persian and the Roman armies and of those of Charlemagne. Yet in this case, given the population of the Inca empire and especially the system of recruiting and the arrange ments made for provisioning, it is quite possible that the number of Peruvian troops may really have been very considerable. The population Notes to Pages 178-179 339 being estimated at 12,000,000, the number of Indians between the ages of twenty-five and fifty may be assumed to be one-third of that figure, or 4,000,000, and the number of males able to bear arms can be estimated at half that, or 2,000,000. This, interestingly enough, is precisely the figure indicated by Anello Oliva: "Sinchi Roca had a census taken of all men capable of bearing arms and found that they numbered 2,000,000"

(op. cit.) p. 41). But it is impossible that it could have reached this figure under S~nchi Roca, at the beginning of the Inca dynasty, when the em pire comprised only a small number of tribes. Anello is certainly mistaken about the time when the census was taken. The Indians served by rota tion, one-tenth of the available manpower being called up for each turn. The total number recruited at anyone time would thus indeed come to the 200,000 estimated by the historians, but this is a maximum figure and includes the baggage carriers and the garrisons. The Aztecs were in dividually more formidable soldiers than the Quechuas. They had better weapons and a more highly developed feeling of patriotism. The Peru vians, on the other hand, were superior in numbers and discipline (Frie derici, op. cit.) p. 243). 12. Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica) Pt. II, ch. xxxi. The Indians today are still very adept in the use of the slingshot. During the "Queta" war in the province of Jujuy in Argentina, a detachment of one hundred and fifty soldiers of the regular army was annihilated by Indians with slings (Boman, Antiquites de la region andine) etc.) II, 453). Velasco lists the arms of the Caras as the pike, the lance, the battle-ax, and the club; he does not mention either the throwing stick or the sling (op. cit.) II, 7). Bello Cayoso, speaking of the Canaris, cites slings, lances, clubs, and throwing sticks (op. cit.) III, 159). Cf. Urteaga, "El e}ercito incaico," Boletin de la Sociedad geogrdfica d,e Lima) 1920, and El Peru) p. Ill.

13. Uhle, "La estolica en el Peru," Revista hist6rica de Lima) 1907, p. 289. The men of the Magdalenian era were acquainted with the throwing stick (J. de Morgan, L'humanite prehistorique [Paris, 1921], p. 67). 14. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca) etc.) Pt. IV, n. 11; A. de Vega, Ope cit.} p. 85; J. de Ulloa Mogollon, Ope cit.) p. 45. 15. F. de Jerez, Ope cit.) p. 334. 16. Molina, "Relacion de Ia conquista, etc.," Ope cit.) p. 143; Marcos de Niza, Ope cit.) p. 290. 17. Sometimes these would have a layer of copper as well (Montesinos, Ope cit.) ch. x). 18. Op. cit.} I, 37. 19. Markham, The Incas of Peru} ch. ix; Poma de Ayala, op. cit.} p. 108. 20. This is what Garcilaso calls, with some exaggeration, "winning vassals by love and not by force" (op. cit.) Bk. III, ch. xv). 21. The clemency of the Inca Tupac Yupanqui after the battle of Poma tamba filled the vanquished with wonder (Herrera, Ope cit.) Dec. V, Bk.

III, ch. ix). 22. Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica} Pt. II, ch. xviii; Santillan, Ope cit.} §8; C. de Castro, Ope cit.) p. 207; Garcilaso, Ope cit.) Bk. V, ch. xii. Garcilaso reports that a tribe, after receiving the Inca's messengers, agreed to welcome the 340 Notes to Pages 180-181 monarch provisionally, on the understanding that he would withdraw if his laws did not suit the people. The Inca accepted these conditions, but later the tribe, recognizing the excellence of the Peruvian system, submitted definitively (op. cit., Bk. III, ch. xv). This highly dubious story is repeated by Marmontel (op. cit., p. 245). 23. Espionage played an important part in preparations for war. In the time of the Spaniards, the yanacuna were past masters in the art (Her rera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. VI, ch. v; Bk. X, ch. i; Anello Oliva, Ope cit., p. 114. 24. Among many ancient peoples the acceptance of a gift from a monarch was a recognition of his authority and bound the two parties like a con tract (cf. Moret and Davy, Des clans aux empires [Paris, 1923], p. 108).

25. The emperor's constant insistence on avoiding needless bloodshed is in dicated at several points in the ancient drama Ollantay (Scenes iii and xiv). But some enemy chiefs actually preferred suicide to surrender, like the cacique Pintac in the Antisana region of northern Ecuador (Suarez, Ope cit., I, 193). Sometimes the Inca would choose as the new head of the conquered territory the Indian chieftain who had come to offer the submission of his tribe (Ondegardo, "Copia de carta, etc.," Ope cit., p. 446). 26. Las Casas, A pologetica, ch. cclvi. In the great battle against the Chancas, the son of the Inca himself marched at the head of Ihis troops and en gaged the enemy (Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. xviii; Montesinos, Ope cit., ch. xxi). 27. Lorente, Ope cit., p. 268; Markham, The Incas of Peru, ch. xii; Monte sinos, loco cit. The Indians used to interrupt their military operations on the day of the new moon in order to celebrate their religious rites. The Spaniards took advantage of this custom on a number of occasions to rest and reorganize their forces (Helps, Ope cit., IV, 33). In many regions of the Andean plateau today, work in the fields is still suspended during the first three days of the new moon.

28. The inhabitants of a coastal area in Ecuador were condemned to have their teeth broken (Zarate, Ope cit., ch. vi). Two rebellious chieftains were killed, and their skin was used to make drums (Balboa, Ope cit.) ch. viii). 29. C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 207. 30. The story of this war between the Incas and the Caras has been recounted by Garcilaso (op. cit.) Bk. VIII, ch. vii). Cf. Balboa, Ope cit., ch. xi. 31. Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xxxi. 32. Sarmiento, Ope cit.} p. 72. The peoples of the sierra seem always to have been more difficult to subdue than those of the coast. According to Hernando Pizarro, the former are more intelligent than the latter (op. cit.); according to Las Casas, they were also more valiant (Apologetica, ch. cclvii). 33. Sarmiento, Ope cit., p. 61; Herrera, Ope cit.} Dec. V, Bk. III, ch. X. 34. Die soziale V,erfassung}etc.} p. 50. 35. Hanstein quite rightly remarks that if the Spaniards had arrived a few years earlier, in the reign of Huayna Capac, they would have found the Notes to Pages 182-184 341 conquest of Peru less easy (op. cit.7 p. 134). We may add that without the help of the Indians of Cuzco, the Spaniards would never have been able, with the limited forces at their disposal, to subdue the kingdom of Quito.

36. Oviedo y Valdes, Ope cit.7 Vol. IV, Bk. XLVI, ch. iv. 37. Among the Chibchas, for example (Restrepo, Ope cit.7 ch. xix). It was, in fact, something akin to mystic awe. The white men were looked upon as divinities, but this lasted only a very short time. We have only to recall the story of the attack tnade upon a cotnpany of horsemen by some Indians on the Colombian coast. At a moment when the Spaniards were in great danger, one of them was unseated and thrown from his horse. He sprang up, intending to go on fighting on foot. But the Indians, who had taken the conquerors and their mounts for centaurs, were so over come with fear when they saw the two parts of a single being continue to live even when separated that they ran away. The Spaniards, says Balboa, appeared to the Peruvians as riding on great llamas and armed with blowpipes that shot out fire with the noise of thunder (op. cit.7 ch.

xxii). "Those who accuse the Indians of a puerile timidity would have done well to take note that the Romans trembled at the sight of ele phants" (Marmontel, Ope cit'7 p. 18). Pizarro's companions were some times very much afraid too-for example, at Cajamarca, when they caught sight of the Inca's army. F. de Jerez and Pedro Pizarro bear elo quent witness to this. 38. Herrera, Ope cit.7 Dec. V, Bk. IV, ch. xii; G6mara, Ope cit'7 ch. cxxviii; Markham, The Incas of Peru, ch. xii; Velasco, Ope cit'7 I, 222. 39. "Relaci6n del sitio del Cuzco (1535-1539)" (Colecci6n de libros espafioles raros 6 curiosos, XIII, I et seq.). 40. Even today, the revolutions are, unhappily, far from always being the operetta-type of affairs that Europeans like to imagine them. During the civil war in Ecuador in 1911-12, in the single engagement of Yaguachi, fifteen hundred men were left on the battlefield (L. Baudin, "La revolu tion de 1911-12 en iquateur," Revue des etudes historiques7 January, 1925, p. I I).

41. Ope cit'7 ch. ii, 58. 42. Ope cit.} Vol. II, ch. cxlviii. 43. Ope cit'7 p. 773. 44. Velasco states correctly that the Incas sometimes made war for reasons of ambition (op. cit'7 II, 47). Lorente remarks that some conquests took place "to satisfy a bellicose nobility" (op. cit.) p. 264). 45. Loc. cit. 46. We may also mention the hardly tenable opinion expressed by Robertson to the· effect that the Incas made war to spread their civilization and acquaint barbarian peoples with their arts (op. cit., p. 308). 47. Huayna Capac had a line of defensive fortifications set up in this way following an attack by the Guaranis (Nordenskiold, "The Guarani In vasion, etc.," Ope cit.) p. 103). 48. History of America Before Columbus (Philadelphia, 1900), II, 179. 49. Garcilaso, Ope cit'7 Bk. VII, ch. xxvii. Even the severe Sarmiento assures us that this was "something wonderful to behold" (op. cit., p. 100).

342 Notes to Pages 184-187 50. Squier, Peru, etc., p. 520; Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 374. 51. Squier, ibid., p. 493; Bingham, "In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit., p. 401; Markham, The Incas of Peru, ch. x; Wiener, ibid., pp. 336 et seq.; Grandidier, Ope cit., p. 93. O. Schmieder has described one of the southernmost fortresses of the empire, Condor Huasi, in southern Bolivia ("Eine befestigte Siedelung der Inkas in siidlichen Bolivien," Petermanns Mitteilungen) Nos. 9-10 [1924J, p. 229). 52. E. Harth-Tern~, "Incahausi," Ope cit.} p. 101. 53. Bingham, "In the Wonderland of Peru," Ope cit., pp. 416 et seq. 54. P. Fejos, Archaeological Explorations in the Cordillera Vileabamba, Southeastern Peru. 55. Wolf, Ope cit.} pp. 41-52. 56. Joyce, Ope cit., p. 221. 57. Nordenskiold, "Deductions Suggested, etc.," Ope cit.}' De Morgan, "La notion innee du progres dans l'esprit humain," Revue de synthese his torique} June, 1923, p. 29.

58. Uhle, "Las relaciones prehist6ricas entre el Peru y la Argentina," Ope cit.; Boman, "Los ensayos de establecer una cronologia prehispanica en la regi6n diaguita," Boletin de la Academia nacional de historia (Quito, 1923). The Incas may have gone as far as Tarija and Tucuman (the Quechua verb tucuy means "to end," and the province of Tucuman may thus have been the "Land's End" of the Peruvians). Cf. Cuneo Vidal, "El Tucuman de los Incas," Boletin de la Sociedad geogrdfica de Lima, 1920, p. 85; J. Ambrosetti, "Notas de arqueologia calchaqui," Boletin del Instituto geogrdfico argentino, 1896, p. 177; R. Levillier, Ope cit.} p. 10. 59. Quechua was one of the eleven languages spoken by the missionaries in that country. 60. The name of Cundinamarca is Peruvian, and the Chibchas probably got the use of coca from Peru (Uhle, "La esfera de influencia, etc.," Ope cit.). SeIer maintains that the Inca culture extended far to the south, but in the north it clashed with the Mexican influence (Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerikanischen Sprach und Alterthumskunde [Berlin, 1902-04J, II, 13).

61. Like the Incas, their adversaries built huge fortresses, like that of Parmunca in the southern part of the territory of the Chimus. NOTES TO CHAPTER XI 1. Garcilaso, Ope cit.} Bk. VIII, ch. xiii; M. Saville, "PreColumbian Decora tion of the Teeth in Ecuador," American Anthropologist, XV (1913), 377. 2. Cobo, Ope cit.} Bk. XIV, ch. vi. There were six different deformed shapes. Cf. M. Macedo, "Las deformaciones artificiales del craneo en el antiguo Peru," Revista universitaria de Lima} Year 7, Vol. I, January, 1912; Helmer, La vieeconomique au XVlieme siecle, p. 129. 3. Las Casas maintains that the inhabitants of each province were dis tinguished by. their own particular shape of head, but this is manifestly inaccurate, for no other author notes what would have been a remark able £a<:t ("De las antigqas gentes, etc.," Ope cit., p. 175).

Notes to Pages 187-189 343 4. Ope cit., p. 253. 5. Joyce, Ope cit., p. 35. Cobo says that "the Collas made the head long and pointed" so that the woolen cap would fit well on it (loc. cit.). With us the caprices of fashion have not yet gone so far as to adapt the head to the headdress instead of the other way round. Matienzo prohibited the practice of deformation in the province of Charcas (Pietschmann, A us den Gottingischen gelehrten Anzeigen, p. 732). 6. Accord~ng to Randel~er, the Aytnaras are very inferior to the Quechuas in this respect (The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 19). 7. The reader interested in Peruvian design will find magnificent exam ples of pottery and tapestry reproduced in the works of Uhle (Kultur und Industrie sildamerikanischer Volker), of D'Harcourt (La ceramique ancienne du P,erou [Paris, 1924]), and of W. Lehmann (Kuntsgeschichte des allen Peru [Paris, 1924]). A. Villar y C6rdova calls Peruvian art "cubist" (op. cit., p. 510). H. Bingham believes that the Peruvians had the same prejudice as the Arabs against representing the human form ("The Inca Peoples and Their Culture," Ope cit., p. 254). This observa tion could not apply to the peoples living on the coast. The Chimu artists tended, on the contrary, toward realism and showed even facial expressions and physical deformities. The Nazca artists practiced styliza tion, but their favorite subject was still the human head (D'Harcourt, ibid., pp. 10, 19, 38).

8. La civilisation des Incas, etc., p. 44. 9. Cf. supra, ch. viii. 10. "Ceramografia peruana," Revista del Museo nacional de Lima, 1938. 11. Larco Hoyle, op. cit., II, 147. 12. It was probably done by hammering. After calculating the thickness of the gold plating on certain articles, Verneau and Rivet write: "If one grants that the plating was done by hammering, then the skill of the preColumbian craftsmen was equal to that of our goldbeaters today, who, with much more highly perfected tools, are practically unable to obtain sheets of a thickness notably less than those" (op. cit., p. 337). The plating of metals was known in Ecuador and on the Peruvian coast, but not in Upper Peru or Bolivia (Rivet, "L' orfevrerie pIiecolombienne des Antilles," Journal de fa Societe des Americanistes de Paris, 1923). The metalworkers succeeded in making golden butterflies "whose center of gravity was so well placed that when they were launched into the air, they remained aloft for some time before fluttering to the ground"

(Wiener, Perou et Bolivie, etc., p. 586; Beuchat, Ope cit., p. 684). The Museum of Ethnology at Paris has a beautiful vase made of a single piece of repousse silver. 13. Buffon speaks of Peruvian mummies, citing Garcilaso and Acosta (Oeuvres compl(~tes, IX [1833], 88). For the mummifying of human heads, cf. J. Tello, "EI uso de las cabezas humanas artificialmente momificadas," Revista universitariade Lima) No. 13 (1918). The Peruvians know how to shrink human heads to a very small size without distorting the features. The Jivaros of the virgin forests of eastern Ecuador still continue the practice of shrinking human heads, and the government of Ecuador has 344 Notes to Pages 189-191 been obliged to prohibit trade in these peculiar works of art, which are much sought after by Europeans. 14. Perou et Bolivie, etc., pp. 634 and 550, n. 1. 15. Daniel Real, "Un chef-d'oeuvre de la ceramique peruvienne," Journal de la Societe des Am,ericanistes de Paris, 1921.

16. Op. cit., p. 23, note. On the taste of the Mexicans for metal objects representing animals, cf. Pierre Martyr, De orbe novo (F. tr.; Paris, 1907), p.452. 17. Cf. R. and M. D'Harcourt, "La musique dans la sierra andine," Journal de la Societ,edes Americanistes de Paris, 1920, and the handsome book by the same authors entitled La musique des Incas et ses survivances (Paris, 1925). 18. Op. cit., Bk. XIV, ch. xvii; Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., Pt. III, n. 131. 19. "The perforations made in the bone are placed exactly where they should be in order to obtain the right pitch" (Capitan and Lorin, op. cit., p. 154). "It was in the Inca empire that these flutes attained their most per fect form" (D'Harcourt, La musique des Incas, etc., p. 87). 20. Flutes of different size corresponded to the different ranges of tone, from soprano and tenor to contralto and bass (Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. II, ch.

xxvii). 21. A. Villar y Cordova maintains that the ancient Indians did have such instruments, but he gives no reference (op. cit., p. 536). 22. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. I, ch. xxvi; Ondegardo, Relaci6n, p. 85. 23. Suarez, op. cit., I, 175. 24. Betanzos, op. cit., ch. xii and xvi; Sarmiento, op. cit., p. 80. 25. There was a certain correspondence between the zodiac of the Incas and that of the Aztecs and even that of the peoples of Asia, which should occasion no surprise in view of the probable origin of the peoples of South America ("EI zodiaco de los Incas en comparaci6n con el de los Aztecas," Proceedings, 17th International Congress of Americanists, Mexico, 1912). Certain modern authors believe that the spring equinox (September 21) and later, beginning with the reign of Pachacutec, the summer solstice (December 22) marked the beginning of the year and, according to certain indications given by Garcilaso, that the Peruvians added to the lunar year the number of days needed to make it coincide with the solar year (G. V. Callegari, "Conoscenze astronomiche degli antichi Peruviani," Rivista abruzzese, 1914). Betanzos, Balboa, and Molina give different dates for the beginning of the year, but did the year have any beginning? Nothing is less certain. The common people counted the years in terms of the time between sowing and harvesting the crops (J. du Gourcq, "L'astronomie chez les Incas," Revue scien tifique, 1893, pp. 15 et seq.). According to Montesinos, after a certain date the Peruvians fixed the length of the month at thirty days, divided into weeks of ten days (op. cit., ch. xi).

26. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. II, ch. xxii. Desjardins is mistaken in declaring that astronomy was the most highly perfected science in Peru (op. cit.). However, it is possible that later discoveries may yet reveal among the Notes to Pages 191-193 345 elite a considerable body of astronomical knowledge unknown to the common people and of whose existence their white conquerors learned nothing. Nordenskiold believes that it can already be said that there was a great difference between the calendar developed by the "medicine men" (i.e., the amautas) and the primitive calendar of the ordinary Indian ("Le calcul des annees et des mois dans les quipus peruviens," Ope cit.) p. 56). Cf. Howland Rowe, "Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Conquest," p. 323. 27. Leadbeater, a specialist in this subject, declares that there was nothing in Peru worthy of "the name of occultism" (op. cit.) p. 412). Yet it is certain that the Indians had a numeralogical magic. The number four, according to Payne, and the number seven, according to Nordenskiold, were regarded as sacred. To find out whether it would be a good year, the Indians would count the potatoes in a sack (Payne, Ope cit.) II, 283; Nordenskiold, "Le calcul des annees et des mois dans les quipus peru viens," Ope cit.} p. 55). The number four had prophetic significance in Mexico, Guatemala, and Colombia (Helps, Ope cit.) IV, 285). Sorcerers had no followers except among the lower classes (Balboa, Ope cit.) ch.

xxix). 28. Porna de Ayala, Ope cit.} pp. 274-282; P. de Arriaga, Ope cit.; G. A. Otero, La piedra mdgica; H. Castro Pozo, Nuestra comunidad indigena} pp. 185, 218, 287. 29. Morua, Ope cit.} p. 114; H. Valdizan, Acerca d,e los origenes de la medi cina peruana (Lima, 1922). We find it difficult to grant that the medical knowledge of the Peruvians was as great as Fidel Lopez says it was (op. cit.) p. 320). 30. Ope cit.} Bk. VII, ch. v et seq. Frazer reproduces this account in The Golden Bough (London, 1922), p. 553. This festival recalls those held to "drive out the spirits" in certain Negro villages. Many Indians still believe that diseases are maleficent disembodied beings-such as small pox, which they call tayta-capac. 31. Wrigley, "The Traveling Doctors of the Andes," Geographical Review} IV (1917); Otero, Ope cit.; Markham, The Incas of Peru} p. 158. The legend of the Collahuayas has been recounted by Oliveiro Cezar in Las leyendas de los indios Quichuas (Buenos Aires, 1893), p. 34.

32. Tschudi, "Contribuciones, etc.," Ope cit.} p. 69. 33. Morua, Ope cit.} p. 116; G. de Santa Clara, Ope cit.} Vol. III, ch. xlix; H. Valdizan and A. Maldonado, La medicina popular peruana; R. d'Har court, La medecine dans l'ancien Perou. 34. Villar y Cordova, Ope cit.} p. 56. 35. Velez Lopez, "Las mutilaciones en los vasos antropomorfos del antiguo Peru," Proceedings} 18th International Congress of Americanists (Lon don, 1912), II, 267 et seq. 36. Raurich, Ope cit.} pp. 34-35; Garcilaso, Ope cit.} Bk. II, ch. xxvii. Why does Hanstein maintain that the Peruvians did not sing? (Op. cit.) p. 78.) 37. Morua makes two references to Quechua dramas (op. cit.) pp. 24 and 114), and Santa Cruz Pachacuti even gives the names of some of them: a comedy called Anay Sauca (which means, "How Amusing!"), a farce 346 Notes to Pages 193-195 entitled Llama-llama, and some tragedies called Hanamsi and Hayachuco (op. cit., p. 268). Still another drama has sometimes been mentioned Uska Paukar, but entire roles have been shown to be of Spanish origin (Fidel L6pez, Ope cit., p. 329). C£' J. G. Cosio, "El drama quechua Ollan tay/' Revista universitaria del Cuzco, II (1941), 3. The text of Uska Paukar may be found in the Biblioteca de cultura peruana (Paris, 1938), I, 334.

38. Garcilaso says that the Indians did not use rhyme (op. cit., Bk. II, ch. xxvi and xxvii). It was introduced into the drama after the conquest. 39. Markham, The Incas of Peru, p. 148; L. Cordero, Estudios de linguistica americana (Cuenca, 1901), p. 29. 40. Introduction to the English translation of the Second Part of the Cronica of Cieza de Leon, Hakluyt Collection (London, 1883). 41. Cf. the Introduction to the French translation by Pacheco Zegarra (Paris, 1878). The Spanish translation of Jose Barranca (OUanta [Lima, 1868]) bears the subtitle: 6 sea la severidad de un padre y la clemencia de un r.ey. The last Spanish translation is in the Biblioteca de cultura peruana (Paris, 1938), I, 198. 42. As early as the beginning of the eighteenth century, F~ezier speaks of the closing of a theater where the death of the Inca was being represented (op. cit., p. 250). In the 1809 edition of Voyages au P,erou by M. Sobre viela and Narcisso y Barcelo there is the following note: "In most of the large towns of Peru, the Indians are reviving the memory of the death of Atahualpa by a sort of tragedy which they show in the streets on the day of the Nativity of the Virgin. . . • The Spaniards are then by no means safe" (II, 374).

43. Cobo, Ope cit., Bk. XIV, ch. v. 44. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk.IX, ch. vii. 45. Letourneau, La condition de la femme dans les diverses races et civilisa tions (Paris, 1903), p. 199. "In Peru woman was neither a chattel, as in the Orient, nor a beast of burden, as among savage tribes; she was the property of the state, to be disposed of according to its good pleasure, as authority might arbitrarily decide" (Castaing, Ope cit., p. 27). 46. L. Pena, Histoire du Chili (Paris, 1927), p. 5. 47. Saavedra, Ope cit., p. 87. 48. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. IV, ch. xii. 49. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. V, ch. xi. In ceremonies of this kind the hanan and the hurin Indians would squat facing each other and drink to gether. 50. A number of ceremonial games have also survived as part of the funeral rites. Cf. Nordenskiold, "Spieltische aus Peru und Ecuador," Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, II and III (1918), 169; Karsten, "Zeremonielle Spiele unter den indianen Sudamerikas," Acta Academiae Aboensis Humaniora (Abo, 1920), Vol. I.

51. Zarate, Ope cit., Bk. I, ch. xiv. A study of some of these dances may be found in R. and M. d'Harcourt, La musique des Incas et ses survivances, pp. 91 et seq.

Notes to Pages 195-201 347 52. Uriel Garcia, Pueblos y paisajes sudperuanos, ch. vi; Paredes, El arte en la altiplanicie (La Paz, 1913). 53. The chroniclers are not in agreement about the dates of these festivals. 54. The primitive native dances led by Indians covered with animal skins and feathers have continued to the present day in several regions (R. Paredes, op. cit.). 55. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxi. 56. Montesinos, ap. cit. J ch. xxii. 57. Joyce, greatly perplexed, calls the civilization of the Incas a magnificent barbarism (op. cit., p. 76). NOTES TO CHAPTER XII I. Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. I, ch. Iviii; C. de Castro, Ope cit., p. 216; Falc6n, op. cit., p. 153. 2. Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xix. 3. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. V, ch. xv. 4. In the valley of Chincha the curacas owned lands of unequal size fol lowing the distribution made by the Inca Yupanqui, according to C. de Castro (op. cit., p. 218).

5. Ope cit., p. 114. Lugones makes the same observation regarding the colonies of converted Indians in Paraguay under the rule of the Jesuits (op. cit., p. 167). 6. Squier, Feru, etc., p. 575. 7. Hanstein, op. cit., p. 130. 8. Philippovich, in Trimborn, "Der Kollektivismus, etc.," Ope cit., p. 605. 9. Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xiii. "These Indians preserve very tender recollections of the last of their Incas and assemble from time to time to do honor to his memory. They sing verses in his praise and play on their flutes airs so mournful and so touching as to arouse the compassion of those who hear them .... " -Father Morghen, Lettroesedifiantes et curie uses, etc. (ed. of 1839), V, 225. 10. Op. cit., Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xii. Even today, "the Indian, servile and superstitious, ends by loving the tyrannies that oppress him" (Garda Calder6n, Les democraties latines de l'Am,erique [Paris, 1912], p. 330).

We must be suspicious of the answers received by the Spaniards during official inquiries, for it was to the conquerors' interest to spread the impression that the Incas had ruled by fear and that their subjects were restive under their yoke (Tschudi, "Contribuciones, etc.," Ope cit., p. 30). I I. Ondegardo, "De l',etat du Perou avant la conquete" (F. tr.), ch. xii. 12. The progress of the sciences was arrested by the impossibility of dis cussion (Cevallos, op. cit., pp. 162 ,et seq.). 13. There was no convenient method of making flour, and this is why bread was not the staple food (Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. VIII, ch. vii). "The Indians are great imitators of what they see, but very limited in inventiveness" (Frezier, Ope cit., p. 240). 14. Pizarro by no means acted out of pure cruelty. That he was conscious of his moral obligations is shown by the letter he wrote in 1534 to 348 Notes to Pages 201·,204 Hernando de 80to from Jauja bidding him treat the Indians well (Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XLII, 134).

15. Means, "Indian Legislation in Peru," Ope cit., p. 526. 16. Von Buchwald, "Propiedad rustica en tiempo de la colonia, p. 3. 17. Like the mayoral in the region of Riobamba (Rivet, "Etude sur les Indiens de la region de Riobamba," Ope cit., p. 64). 18. Ope cit., p. 199. "The Indian is without ambition for wealth," remarks Fr,ezier (op. cit., p. 240). It is impossible to speak adequately of their [the Indians'] indifference to wealth and even to all conveniences" (P. Bouguer, Ope cit., p. 102). 19. Prescott, Ope cit., p. 1025. 20. Means, "Race and Society in the Andean Countries," American Historical Review, November, 1918, p. 419. 21. "De la orden, etc.," Ope cit., p. 107. 22. Ope cit., p. 72. 23. "The Indian sees only the present; he does not think of tomorrow" (Grandidier, Ope cit., p. 69). Cf. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 19 and Pt. III, n. 56. 24. This is the case, for instance, with the reserves of wool that the Indians today lay by in certain regions of the plateau (Colpaert, op cit., p. 44).

The servile condition of the ancient Egyptians likewise killed in them any concern for the future (Maspero, Ope cit., I, 343). 25. Relaci6n, p. 87. 26. Cf. Guevara, "Derecho consuetudinario, etc.," Ope cit. 27. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 13. 28. Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica, Pt. I, ch. lxxviii. 29. Lorente, Ope cit., p. 326; Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, etc., p. 197. 30. Prescott, Ope cit., p. 817. 31. Fourniere, Les theories socialistes au XIXieme siecle (Paris, 1904), p. 413. Bougainville notes the characteristic monotony of the colonies of con verted Indians under the rule of the Jesuits in Paraguay (Chinard, L'Amerique et Ie reve exotique dans la litterature fran~aise aux XVIIieme et XVIIIieme siecles [Paris, 1913], p. 373). 32. Ope cit., p. 162. 33. Pedro Sancho, Ope cit., p. 198. 34. Ope cit., ch. cxcv. 35. Ope cit., p. 142. 36. "Relacion de las costumbres antiguas, etc.," Ope cit., p. 205.

37. Ope cit., I, 174. 38. L'influence des ]esuites, consideres comme missionnaires, sur Ie mouve ment des idees au XVIIIieme siecle (Memoires de l'Academie de Dijon, 1874). 39. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 19; Bingham, Inca Land, p. 102. 40. "De l'etat du P'erou avant la conquete" (F. tr.), ch. xii. 41. Le Perou contemporain, p. 18. 42. Can one agree with Garda Calderon in thinking that the Indian beN oies to Pages 204-206 349 comes intoxicated in order to forget the misery of his daily existence, when the immoderate love of liquor was already the cardinal vice of the race in preColumbian America? Cf. Les democraties latines de I'Ameri que, p. 330. 43. Op. cit., I, 274. Cf. Lope de Atienza, "Compendio historia1," ch. ix. 44. Ondegardo, "Copia de carta, etc.," op. cit., p. 460. 45. Op. cit., p. 51. 46. The subjects of the Inca, according to Chall>n, were unable to make any progress in agriculture, mining, metallurgy, or jewelry-making (op. cit., p. 94). If the Indians are refractory to European culture, it is, according to Dr. Carranza, because of "the static nature of their character, which is like nothing to be found in, any other people or race, and the very civilization that they attained under the theocratic regime of the Incas"

("Colecci6n de articulos," 2nd Series, p. 48, in Prado y U garteche, Estado social del Peru durante la dominaci6n espanola) p. 160). "It was ... a harmoniously constructed whole, a carefully balanced static form" (De Greef, op. cit.) II, 39). These conditions of life among the ancient Peruvians are in sharp contrast to those of our own present unstable and precarious existence. Are we to consider the empire of the Incas as a "stationary state" in the sense in which John Stuart Mill used these words (Principles of Political Economy, Bk. IV, ch. vi)? (Suarez uses the same term in his Historia general, I, 239). Are we to believe that in sparing his subjects the necessity of engaging in economic conflict, the Peruvian monarch was making it possible for them to pursue more exalted ends? In no wise. The Inca, in riveting chains on the body, did not free the soul, nor did he substitute nobler desires for those that he restrained.

We may also add that the same stagnation, the same crystallization, is evident in their religion. One does not find among the Indians any mysticism, depth of devotion, or piety (Helps, op. cit., III, 344). 47. Tschudi, "Contribuciones, etc.," op. cit.} p. 69. Without going so far as to accept Ribot's opinion that genius is hereditary, we must yet recognize that a member of the elite does, to a certain extent, transmit his aptitudes and capacities to his descendants. 48. Garda Calderon, Les democraties latines de ['Amerique, p. 329. Cf. Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca} etc., p. 77. Rouma cites many ex amples of the Indian's hositility to any innovation and finds the reason for it in the Inca system (Les Indiens Quitchouas et Aymaras des hauts plateaux de la Bolivie [Brussels, 1913], p. 60). 49. "The imperative spirit of despotism would not allow them to be happy or miserable in any way but that established by law" (Prescott, op. cit., p. 817). "What will be to the eternal glory of this wise government is that the fundamental maxim of the sovereign was actually to oblige his subjects to be happy" (De Carli, op. cit., I, 202).

50. Santa Cruz Pachacuti speaks of a famine that lasted seven years and claimed a great many victims in the reign of Tupac Yupanqui (op. cit.) p. 97), but this information is dubious, as he is the only author who 350 Notes to Pages 206-211 furnishes it, and it is surprising that such a long period of misery, com ing at a time so near the conquest, should not have remained in the Indians' memory. 51. Acosta, op. cit., Vol. II, Bk. VI, ch. xv. 52. Brehm (op. cit., p. 92) writes to the same effect. 53. Garcilaso, op. cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxxvi. 54. And yet "the world at present is tending, with the advance of socialism and centralization, toward a social organization that is not very different from that of the Incas" (De la Riva-Agiiero, "Examen, etc.," op. cit., p. 156). The present writer drew some brief lessons from the Peruvian experience in his paper of July 5, 1927, submitted to the Sodete d'economie politique (Journal des ,economistes, July 15, 1927, p. 506, and L'economiste fran9ais, July 23, 1927, p. 99).

55. Prescott (op. cit., p. 820) and Lorente (op. cit., p. 328) maintain that patriotic feeling did not exist in Peru. Yet the theocratic and socialist state of the reductions seems to have created a strong national unity in Paraguay, as was very evident at the time of the terrible war of 1866. "The nation was formed in the missions," says Sagot (op. cit., p. 113). The absence of patriotic feeling among the Peruvians is to be explained by the fact that the empire was of recent date and that many of its parts had not yet been unified (Jij6n y Caamafio and Carlos Larrea, op. cit., pp. 83 and 89; Suarez, op. cit., I, 66). NOTES TO CHAPTER XIII I. Altamira, Psicologia del pueblo espafiol (Oviedo, 1902); Unamuno, En torno al casticismo (Salamanca, 1902); Navarro y Ledesma, Vida del ingenioso hidalgo Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra (Madrid, 1905); Blanco Fombona, El conquistador del siglo XVI (Madrid, 1922); Garda Cal der6n, &Como era aquel espafiol? Cf. A. Gerbi, Viejas polemicas sobre el nuevo mundo; J. Eyzaguirre, Hispano-america del dolor; K. Vossler, L'Espagne, l'hommeet le peuple.

2. The expression is Robertson's (cf. Velasco, op. cit., I, 175). The fact is that the race of conquistadors quickly became enervated on the American continent. It gave birth to creoles, who were sensitive, agreeable, ca pricious, and superstitious, and who bore no resemblance to their an cestors. "It seems that softness and indolence are characteristic of the country, perhaps because life there is too easy and comfortable, for one notices that those who have been brought up to work in Europe become slothful in a very short time, like the creoles" (Frezier, op. cit., p. 227). In modern times, however, one may discover once again many of the distinctive traits of the conquistadors in the South American caudillos, those audacious dictators who have made modern Latin America. 3. Calancha, op. cit., Bk. I, p. 98. Marcos de Niza, (op. cit., pp. 309 et seq.) details the crimes of the Spaniards. For atrocities committed during the expedition to Chile, cf. C. de Molina, "Relaci6n de la conquista, etc.,"

op. cit., p. 166, and for those committed on the coast of Ecuador, cf. the letter of Diego de Almagro, dated May 8, 1534 (Colecci6n de docuNotes to Page 211 351 mentos del Archivo de Indias, XLII, 104). Pereyra (L'oeuvre de CEspagne en Amerique 7 p. 242) argues that the Noticias secretas should not be used against Spain because "they laid bare the vices of a society, vices independent of that society's political ties with Spain." But if the Madrid government is to be freed from responsibility, the Spaniards themselves are responsible for the growth of these vices. Cf. Revista del Archivo hist6rico del Cuzco, 1953, p. 91. 4. Juan and Ulloa, Noticias secretas~ t!tc.~ Pte II, rh. ix. 5. Ondegardo, Relaci6n 7 p. 72; Santillan, Ope cit. 7 §60. 6. Anon., "Noticia biografica del adelantado, etc.," Ope cit' 7 p. 552. 7. Marshall Saville, A Letter of Pedro de Alvarado Relating to His Expedi tion to Ecuador (New York, 1917); L. Baudin, "Les n~gions occidentales de l'Equateur et la folIe expedition de Pedro de Alvarado," Revue de PAmeriqu.e latine, November, 1929.

8. Oviedo y Valdes, Ope cit.} Vol. IV, Bk. XLVII; Herrera, Ope cit.} Dec. V, Bk. X, ch. ii. 9. Reflexiones imparciales sabre la humanidad de los espafioles en las Indias 7 etc. (Madrid, 1782), p. 225. 10. "The bringing in of ideas of exchange-value was like the introduction to some primitive people of a disease from which civilized nations by long habit had become largely immune" (Nicholson, Ope cit., p. 68). This is not correct, for, as we have seen, a system of barter and money did exist. 11. The internecine strife among the conquistadors themselves over claims to lands assigned by the Crown, whose boundaries were necessarily very inexact since the central power was ignorant of their precise geographi cal location, constitutes one of the most extraordinary pages in the history of the world. 12. Cr6nica 7 Pt. I, ch. Ix, lxx, lxxv, etc. The Indians who did not die fled in great numbers to the mountains (Letter of the Licentiate Gasca to the Council of the Indies, dated January 28, 1547 [Colecci6n de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana, L, 27]). Cf. P. de Ribera and A. de Chaves y Guevara, "Relaci6n de la ciudad de Guamanga," Ope cit., I, 110; Calancha, Ope cit., Vol. I, Bk. I, ch. xvi; BolIaert, Antiquarian, Ethnological 7 etc., p. 133. Pereyra, in his desire to exculpate the Spaniards, goes too far. He maintains that the depopulation was in evitable, since the natives could not stand any work at all, even under the most benevolent regime (L 7 oeuvre de l'Espagne en Amerique, p. 328).

If this observation is true of the inhabitants of tropical regions, in par ticular of the Antilles, to whom the author makes reference, how could it be applicable to the Quechuas of the plateau, long accustomed to the performance of heavy tasks? Juan Nuix goes even farther and denies that there was any depopulation at all (op. cit., p. 120), but he bases his reasoning on the situation in Mexico. As we have seen, the fact that depopulation occurred is undeniable. Colmeiro (op. cit' 7 Vol. II, ch. lxxviii) lists among the causes of this depopulation epidemics and the colonial system itself. But this system was by no means peculiar to the Spaniards. Before them, the Portuguese had applied it in the East Indies, and all the nations of Europe followed their example. M. Sobreviela and 352 Notes to Pages 212-213 Narcisso y Barcelo stress the ravages caused by epidemics (op. cit., II, 369), and so does Lozano (Historia del Paraguay [Madrid, 1754], Vol. I, Bk. I, ch. xiii and xiv). Montesinos goes so far as to assert that the ancient sovereigns prohibited writing because the leaves that served as tablets carried disease (op. cit., ch. xv).

13. Santillan, Ope cit., §53. 14. Herrera, Ope cit., Dec. V, Bk. X, ch. viii. 15. Juan and Ulloa, Noticias secretas, etc., Pt. II, ch. i. 16. Santillan, Ope cit., §25. The Spanish officials also became too numerous (Juan and Ulloa, ibid., Pt. II, ch. vii). 17. Ope cit., §58. "When an Indian owes two pesos, the cacique takes eight or ten from him" (Santillan, Ope cit., §57). D. de la Bandera likewise writes: "With the arrival of the Spaniards, every cacique took on the powers of the Inca" (op. cit., p. 99). "The Indians could not and dared not refuse the caciques the goods, the women and girls that they asked for" (Memorandum of Francisco de Toledo to Philip II in Relaciones geo grdficas, I, App. 3, diii). 18. Royal decree of November 27, 1560 (Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, XVIII, 489). 19. "Even the violent and arbitrary government of Spain has, upon many occasions, been obliged to recall or soften the orders which had been given for the government of her colonies, for fear of a general insurrec tion" (Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, II, 313). Yet Smith acknowledges the progress achieved by the Spanish colonies in America.

20. Cf. supra, n. 12. 21. La fin de l'empire espagnol d'Amerique (Paris, 1922); Bolivar et la democratie (Paris, 1922); "Les guerres civiles et Ie cesarisme en Amerique espagnole," La Revue universelle, December 15, 1925. 22. "Resultados generales en el estudio de la historia colonial americana, criterio hist6rico resultante," Proceedings, 21st International Congress of Americanists (The Hague, 1924), p. 425. 23. L'oeuvre de l'Espagne en Amerique; Historia de la Am,erica espanola (2 vols.; Madrid, 1920-24). 24. Lewis Hanke, La lucha por la justicia en la conquista de Am,erica (Buenos Aires, 1949). 25. As J. Prado y Ugarteche observes, it would not be fair to demand that the Spaniards should have done for the benefit of America what they had not done in their own country, and it should not be forgotten that in Spain at that time agriculture was scarcely in a flourishing state (op. cit., p. 41).

26. Cf. Friederici, Ope cit., p. 426. 27. J. de la Espada, Relaciones geogrdficas, I, Introduction, lviii; Recopila cion de leyes de los reinos de las Indias (Madrid, 1841); G6mara, Ope cit., ch. di. Cf. the list of measures for the protection of the Indians given in the "Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias," VI, 118; the instructions given to the corregidors in 1574 and 1597 (ibid., XXI, 301); the "C6dice de leyes y ordenanzas para la gobernaci6n de las Indias y buen tratamiento y conservad6n de los indios," September 24, 1571 Notes to Pages 213-216 353 (ibid.~ XVI, 376); the letter of protest from the Bishop of Cuzco to the Emperor (ibid.~ III, 92); the Ordenanzas que mand6 hacer D. Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, marques de Cafiete, para el remedio de los excesos que los corregidores de los naturales hacen en tratar y contractar con los indios, i otras cosas dirigidas al bien de ellos (Lima, 1594).

28. The office of Protector of the Indians was later eliminated, for it laid a heavy burden on the very people it was meant to defend (Schedules of 1~S2 and 1594 [Colecci&n de docuIllentos del Archivo de Indias, XVIII, 533 and 540]). Cf. Memorias de los virreyes que han gobernado en el Peru durante el tiempo del coloniaje espafiol~ II, 98. For the slave trade, cf. G. Scelle, Histoire politique de la traite negriere aux Indes de Castille (Paris, 1906), I, 135 et seq. In all transactions, the law treated the Indians as minors (Solorzano,op. cit., Bk. II, ch. xxviii; Helps, Ope cit., IV, 246). 29. Latcham, La existencia, etc., p. 52, n. 1. 30. Garcilaso, Ope cit., Bk. VI, ch. xxxvi. This viceroy dreamed of creating a museum of the Indes, but he could not put this project into effect (J. de la Espada, Tres relaciones, etc., p. xix). 31. L'oeuvre de l'Espagne en Amerique, p. 242. Yet it is a fact that in some cases the Spaniards, and the clergy in particular, went to the opposite extreme. By dint of protesting so much against the behavior of their compatriots, they made the Indians think that every tax collection was an act of robbery ("Estado de un parecer del Doctor Vazquez sobre los repartimientos, encomiendas y aprovechamientos de las Indias" [Co lecdon de documentos del Archivo de Indias, IV, 141]).

32. J. de la Espada, Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias, IV, App. cxiv. 33. Jean Terral, "L'oeuvre de l'Espagne en Amerique," Revue des etudes historiques, January, 1926. It was a war, not between two peoples or between natives and creoles, but between two opposing political factions (R. Altamira, "Resultados generales, etc.," Ope cit., p. 434). 34. This is the phrase used by Garda Calderon, Le Perou contemporain, p.328. 35. The first Inter-American Demographic Congress, held in Mexico in 1943, recommended that member states do away with all racial classifications in the gathering and reporting of statistics, since it condemned all racial discrimination. But this absurd measure would not. do away with races; it would merely prevent the study of them. 36. Ope cit.~ p. 525. 37. Les d·emocraties latines, etc., p. 332. 38. "Race and Society in the Andean Countries," Ope cit., p. 419; "Breves apuntes sobre la sociologia campestre del Peru," Mercurio peruano, August, 1921, p. 45. In Mexico likewise, the Indians and mestizos make up the major part (about 85%) of the population.

39. "Die Zahl und die Volksdichte, etc.," Ope cit., p. 103. 40. According to Garcilaso, in 1603, less than a century after the conquest, the last descendants of the Incas presented a humble petition to their conquerors requesting a lightening of the burdens laid upon them, and at this time they numbered five hundred sixty-seven (op. cit.~ Bk. IX, ch. xl). Frezier reports that at the beginning of the eighteenth century there 354 Notes to Pages 216-218 was a family of the Inca race in Lima, the head of which was called Ampuero. The viceroy, on entering the capital, would not fail to offer him a sort of public homage (op. cit.~ p. 249). 41. "Contribuciones, etc.," Ope cit.~ p. 38. We are by no means contending that the Indians are not capable of improving their condition. Several of them have already attained renown in the arts, science, or politics, and it is very likely that the masses will some day assert themselves (it would be interesting, in this connection, to know whether the Incas were of the same race as their subjects), but the red men today persist in looking upon themselves as the white men's inferiors to such an extent that those among them who have succeeded in reaching a certain social position often go to great pains to deny their past and to depreciate the mem bers of their own race.

42. Means, "Breves apuntes, etc.," Ope cit.~ p. 45. 43. C. Ugarte, "EI problema agrario peruano," Mercurio peruano~ Septem ber, 1923, p. 138. 44. J. Basadre, Historia del derecho peruano~ p. 166; P. J. de Arriaga, Ope cit.~ ch. v and vi; P. de Villagomes, "Carta pastoral" (Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru, Series I, Vol. XII [1919], ch. xliv and xlvi); E. Romero, El departamento de Puno~ p. 221; Paz Soldan, M i pais~ III, 427; L. Baudin, "L'Indien dans reconomie des etats andins," Zeitschrift fur die gesamte Staatswissenschaft, CV, No.2 (1949), p. 347. 45. Castro Pozo, Ope cit.~ p. 10. In Peru in 1945, 43.3% of the total deaths were of children under five years of age. For a general study of these questions, cf. L. Baudin, "L'Indien dans l',economie, etc.," Ope cit.~ p. 339. 46. J. Basadre, Ope cit.~ p. 141. 47. Nothing is more difficult than to effect a change in attitudes that have their roots in the environment. "One would have to alter the landscape and transform the storms, the deserts, the lakes, and the sea winds"

(E. Romero, Tres ciudades del Perit, p. 120). 48. H. Castro Pozo, "EI ayllu peruano ante una posible legislaci6n tutelar," Proceedings~ 27th International Congress of Americanists (Lima, 1939), II, 189; "EI ayllu peruano debe transformarse en cooperativa de pro ducci6n agro-pecuaria," Revista de economia y finanzas~ July 1940, p. 15; M. Poblete Troncoso, Condiciones de vida y de trabajo de la po blaci6n indigena del Peru (Geneva, 1938); J. Delgado, Folklore y apuntes para la sociologia indigena (Lima, 1931). 49. Payne, Ope cit.~ p. 247, n. 2. 50. Rivet, "Etude sur les Indiens de la· region de Riobamba," Ope cit.~ p. 64. J. Prado y U garteche emphasizes the "deep gulf" that continues to ex ist between the European and the native races (op. cit.~ p. 160). 51. E. Rabasa, L',evolution historique du Mexique (F. tr.; Paris, 1924), p. 24. 52. Payne, Ope cit.~ I, 246, n. 1; Mendieta y Nunez, Situacion de las pobla ciones indigenas de America ante el derecho actual (Mexico, 1925), p.

9. "It has been established that the type of the Aymara mother is dom inant over that of the Spanish father; after several successive generations of mixed unions, the element due to Aymara lineage always becomes Notes to Pages 218-224 355 evident in the so-called Spanish-American u (Reclus, Geographie uni verselle~ XVIII, 654). 53. "Die Zahl und die Volksdichte, etc.," Ope cit. 54. For example, the insurrections of 1570, 1743, and 1780, which we have already mentioned, that of Condorcanqui in the last century, and those of Azangaro and of Huancane as recently as December, 1923. In connec tion with the three native congresses held at Lima, the newspaper El Cornerc;o expressed the op~n~on that the characteristic timidity. shyness. and resentment of the Indian have their source in his continued ex ploitation by the white man. It advocates special legislation on behalf of the native population based on respect for ancient customs (El Comer cio~ September 27, 1923). Means expresses the fear that these people, deprived of all education, may fall easy prey to Bolshevist ideas-all the more reason for taking an active concern with their welfare ("Race and Society in the Andean Countries," Ope cit., p. 424).

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV 1. De Mazade, "Le socialisme dans l'Amerique du Sud," Revue des deux mondes, May 15, 1852. 2. Cf. Lettresedifiantes et curieuses, etc.~ Vol. X, XI, XIX, XXIII; Lugones, Ope cit.; Pablo Hernandez, Ope cit.; Charlevoix, Ope cit.; Sagot, Ope cit.; Demersay, Histoire physique~ .economique et politique du Paraguay~ etc. (Paris, 1860-64); Pfotenhauer, Die missionen der ]esuiten in Paraguay (3 vols.; Giitersloh, 1891-93); Gothein, Ope cit.; M. Fasbinder, Ope cit.; R. Lozano, Ope cit.; F. de Azara, Viaj.es ineditos desde Santa Fe d la Asunci6n~ al interior del Paraguay, y d los pueblos de misiones (Buenos Aires, 1873); C. Baez, Le Paraguay (Paris, 1927). 3. E. Gothein, Ope cit. 4. M. Fasbinder, Ope cit. 5. Abbe Raynal, Ope cit., II, 277; Anon., L'influence des ]esuites, etc.; Prince Ruffo della Scaletta, "Le riduzioni del Paraguay," Studium, April, 1934, p.229. 6. As chance would have it, a modern egalitarian socialist colony, without either an elite or a superior caste, was established in the same general region in 1893: New Australia. Conditions were very favorable. Fertile lands were granted to it; the Peruvian government was well disposed; the men were industrious; and the founder was honest. Yet the produc tivity of labor was so low that it was insufficient to provide the colonists with a living: there was no incentive to work. A great many left, and the lands were divided among those remaining (Droulers, "Une colonie socialiste au Paraguay," Reforme sociale~ II (1895); Saint-Grahame, Where Socialism Failed (London, 1912); W. H. Koebel, Paraguay (Lon don, 1917).

7. J. Costa, Ope cit., pp. 76-192. 8. His Utopia was published in 1516, and therefore before the discovery of Peru. 9. Campanella may have been acquainted with the accounts of Jerez, Go356 Notes to Pages 224-226 mara, Cieza de Leon, Zarate, and Acosta (Mauss, "Analyse et critique de l'ouvrage de De Greef sur l',evolution des croyances et des doctrines politiques," Le devenir social~ 1896, p. 370, n. 2). "Campanella must have read accounts of this strange country Peru" (P. Lafargue, "Campa nella," Le devenir social~ 1895, p. 574). 10. Naufrage des Zles flottantes ou Basiliade du celebre Pilpai (Messina, 1753), I, xli, 4, and 105. 11. Cambridge ed., 1919, pp. 1 and 17. 12. Histoire des Severambes (Amsterdam, 1677). 13. Decouverte astrale (Leipzig, 1782); L'Andrographe (The Hague, 1782). 14. In his Code de fa nature~ Morelly provides strict rules of organization: obligatory marriage, the prohibition of private property, the establish ment of public stores; but he clearly deviates from the Peruvian system in a number of respects: freedom of consumption, the principle of elec tion, etc.

15. Voyage en [carie (Paris, 1840). 16. Republique~ Bk. V, ch. vi (ed. of Paris, 1577, p. 269). 17. Op. cit.~ Bk. III, ch. vi. Cf. P. Villey, Les sourDes des Essais (Vol. IV of the Strowsky and Gebelin ed. [Bordeaux, 1919]). Montaigne was familiar with a complete French translation of G6mara published in 1584, and Benzoni's translation of 1579. He took especial delight in the elegance and irony of the former (C. Pereyra, "Montaigne et Lopez de Gomara," Revue de I'Amerique latin,e~ August 1, 1924, p. 404). 18. Chinard, L'exotisme am,ericain dans la litterature franfaise au XVIieme siecle (Paris, 1911), p. 224. 19. Agrippa d'Aubigne, by way of apology for not speaking of the conquest of Peru, expresses himself quite frankly: he is unable to enter upon the discussion of that subject "without waxing indignant at the cruelties and perfidies" perpetrated by the Spaniards. This would be "suspect in a Frenchman," and he therefore prefers to refer his readers "to the Spaniards" who have written to the same effect (Histoire universelle [Paris, 1616], Bk. I, ch. xvi).

20. Vol. II, ch. cxlviii. Voltaire suspects, not without reason, that Las Casas exaggerates, but this does not prevent him from repeating that author's assertions. 21. The characters in this play were wittily criticized by Abbe Galiani in a letter to Madame d'Epinay, dated February 20, 1773: "Alvarez, weak and whimpering, has nothing of the Castilian courage or pride. . . . Alzire is one of the best women theologians of her century .... Monteze, neither American nor Spanish, neither Christian nor savage--one does not know what he is, if not an imbecile." 22. La Harpe called it "a masterpiece of stupidity" (Correspondance~ IV, 250). 23. Turgot informed Madame de Graffigny herself of his observations on her work (Oeuvres de Turgot [ed. Guillaumin; Paris, 1844], II, 785). Moved to enthusiasm by reading Madame de Graffigny's work, two Italians wrote an Apologie des quipos, full of errors, of which Skinner speaks (op. cit.~ p. 17, n.).

Notes to Pages 227-232 357 24. Marmontel drew his inspiration from Garcilaso, Las Casas, and Benzoni. His work abounds in inaccuracies of detail. To quote a single example: He writes that the Inca raised the standard of war on one of the summits of Mount Illiniza (p. 238). Now the two peaks of this mountain are each more than 17,000 feet high, and the famous English alpinist Whymper, the conquerer of Chimborazo, was defeated by one of them. Chateaubriand borrowed from Marmontel one of the most important scenes in Atala (Chinard, L'exotisrne arntlricain dans l'oeuvre de Cha teaubriand [Paris, 1918], p. 289). 25. The phrase is from A. Lichtenberger, Le socialisme au XVlllieme siecle (Paris, 1895), p. 270. Cf. Appendix ("The Historical Sources"). De Pauw even went so far as to consider it a sign of weakness that the Indians wore no beards I We may pass over in silence the authors of secondary rank, like Abbe Lambert, who confines himself to summarizing Garcilaso (Histoire generale, civile, naturelle, politique, et religieuse de tous les peuples du monde [Paris, 1750], XIII, 225 et seq.).

26. La Condamine, Relation abregee d'un voyage fait dans l'interieur de rAmerique m,eridionale (Paris, 1745); L. A. Bougainville, Voyage autour du monde, par la frtJgate du roi la Boudeuse et la flute l'Etoile (Paris, 1772). 27. This uneasiness reached its peak with Chateaubriand, for the ideal of the simple life exemplified by the American Indian appears unattainable for Europeans; a civilized man would not know how to revert to sav agery. 28. This statement is not correct. 29. Op. cit., II, 314-315. It should be remembered that this book was published in 1776. 30. Ope cit., Letter XVI, I, 233-340. 31. Ibid., Letter XIX, I, 284. 32. The paper submitted by the Marquis de Chastellux on the same subject includes a critique of Spanish policy, but it is very general and written from the point of view of trade in particular. 33. Ope cit., p. 29. 34. Ibid., p. 294. 35. R. Gonnard, La legende du bon sauvage (Paris, 1946).

36. A. Gerbi, Viejas polemicas sobre el nuevo mundo (Lima, 1946). 37. Like, for example, L'epouse du Soleil of Gaston Leroux, who professes to have drawn his information from the writings of Garcilaso, Cieza de Le6n, and Sarmiento. NOTES TO APPENDIX 1. Bartolome de Las Casas, for instance, seems to be obstinately intent upon mangling the Quechua words. He writes padica for pachaca, hemo for hunu, toerieo for tuerieue. Benzoni writes Chito for Quito, Cassia malca for Cajamarca, and Ingui for Inca. 2. Meillet and Cohen, Les langues du monde (Paris, 1924). 3. I t should be remembered that in Spanish u has the sound of 00 in food.

358 Notes to Pages 233-237 4. "Estuviesen como librerfas" ("they were like libraries"). -Sarmiento, op. cit., ch. ix. Crist6bal de Molina and Bernabe Cobo refer to these docu ments, but indicate that the paintings were done on woolen cloth. Ac cording to Steffen, the drawings of Poma de Ayala are probably copies of paintings of this kind (Hans Steffen, "Anotaciones a la historia indica del capitan Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa," Anales de la Universidad de Chil,e, Vol. CXXIX). 5. De Gennep, Internationale Wochenschrift fur Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik (Berlin, 1909), III, 136. 6. M. Uhle, "Los orfgenes de los Incas," Proceedings, 17th International Congress of Americanists (Buenos Aires, 1910), I, 230-253. 7. Markham, Introduction to The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru by Cieza de Le6n. Crist6bal de Molina exaggerates when he asserts that with the aid of these knotted cords the Indians were able to recall all the events in the history of Peru for more than five hundred years. (Op. cit., p. 24.) Among the Chibchas of Colombia, the situation was still worse.

These Indians knew absolutely nothing of their own history (Restrepo, op. cit., ch. xvi). 8. Cieza de Le6n, Cr6nica, Pt. II, ch. xxxix. 9. "The Incas destroyed all the records of Peru's prehistory" (Hutchinson, op. cit., I, 70). 10. Jij6n y Caamaiio and Carlos Larrea, op. cit., p. 61. 11. J. de la Espada, Relaciones geogrdficas, p. 110, note d. There are many legends regarding concealed lodes. M. Sobreviela and Narcisso y Barcelo recount that of the Condoroma mine. Some Spaniards, disguised as devils, made their way into the hut of an Indian who was suspected of knowing the location of a mine and accused him of having turned this mine over to the white men. The terrified Indian led his accusers to the site of the lode in order to convince them that it had not been worked. Hence comes the Spanish proverb: "Para descubrir secretos, los diablos de Condoroma" (op. cit., II, 161). 12. This infatuation for comparisons and analogies has lasted a long time.

In 1825, O'Leary, Bolivar's secretary, wrote of Cuzco: "Manco Capac was its Romulus; Viracocha, its Augustus; Huascar, its Pompey; Ata hualpa, its Caesar; Pizarro, Almagro, Valdivia, and Toledo are the Huns, the Goths, and the Christian destroyers; Tupac Amaru is a Beli sari us, who gave a day of hope; and Pumacahua is a Rienzi and the last patriot" (Paz Soldan, Diccionario geografico-estadistico del Peru [Lima, 1877]). 13. When an author finds himself obliged to defend different opinions that are inconsistent with one another, his position becomes difficult. Thus, Abbe Raynal considers ancient Peru a socialist state, but he is at the same time hostile to socialism and favorably disposed toward the Indians. The thesis he expounds is so odd that it hardly seems likely that he himself could have understood it (op. cit., Vol. II, Bk. VII). See ch. xiv, supra. 14. The reader will readily understand that the various authors' ideas and reports give the impression of a veritable chaos. The most astonishing Notes to Pages 237-240 359 contradictions are to be met with. Ulloa, De Pauw, and Robertson, on the one hand, and D'Orbigny, on the other, do not even agree in regard to the Indian's physical type! According to the first, the race is degen erate and enfeebled; according to the second, it is "Herculean." One could run through the whole gamut of opinions expressed by the au thors who have concerned themselves with the Incas, and, within the same opinion, one could distinguish every variety of nuance: pity, for example, sincere with Montaigne, becomes skeptical with Marmontel, sarcastic with RaynaI, and contemptuous with Acosta.

15. In his bibliography Pret mentions the Biblioteca americana of J. Diaz de la Calle (1646), the Bibliotheca americana of Barros Arana (Paris, 1862-64), and the Bibliotheca americana of J. Brown (Providence, 1865 71). Dorsey cites the bibliographies of Ebeling (Leipzig, 1777), of A. Alcedo (Madrid, 1807), of B. de Souza (Mexico, 1816-21), of B. de Rich arderie (London, 1835-46), of H. Stevens (London, 1857), and of A. Castaing (Paris, 1880). 16. For the sake of brevity we have referred to this collection as the "Colec ci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias." 17. Some of the chronicles have been translated into English and published in the Hakluyt Collection, and a very small number have been translated into French by Ternaux-Compans. 18. Raynal, Ope cit.} II, 144. Moreover, on all subjects touching upon the conquest, the Spaniards themselves exercised a strict surveillance over their historians. Herrera, having allowed himself to express certain rather harsh judgments on Pedrarias, the governor of Darien, was sub jected to vehement criticism by one of the latter's descendants. By order of the King, an inquiry was opened, and after a long controversy an arbiter was appointed, who declared the chronicler to be in the right.

Many documents relating to this affair can be consulted in Vol. XXXVII of the "Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias," pp. 75 ff. 19. It was translated into French at Lyon and into German in 1534 and into Italian at Venice in 1535. Jerez is probably also the author of a very brief narrative entitled La conquista del Peru llamado la Nueva Castilla (Seville, 1534). No doubt he wished to write this summary account on his return to Spain in order to satisfy public curiosity while awaiting the publication of his Verdadera relacion (Toribio Medina, Biblioteca his pano-americana, I, 142). 20. Relacion de los primeros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, sacada del codice numero CXX de la Biblioteca imperial de Viena (Colecci6n de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espaiia [Madrid, 1844], Vol. V). 21. Francisco Pizarro himself wrote a letter in 1532 announcing the capture of Atahualpa, which, according to Dorsey, was translated in 1534 or thereafter into French, Italian, and German.

22. Relacion para S. M. de lo sucedido en la conquista y pacificacion de estas provincias de la Nueva Castilla y de la calidad de la tierra, despu.es que el Capitan Hernando Pizarro se partio y llevo a S. M. la relacion de la victoria de Caxamalca y de la prision del cacique Atabalipa. Very little 360 Notes to Pages 240-243 is known about the author. He had already ceased to be Pizarro's secre tary in 1535 and went back to Spain in 1536. Having returned to Peru in 1539, he took part in the Chilean expedition, plotted against Valdivia, and was beheaded by order of the latter in 1547. His book was ~rst pub lished in Italian in the Ramusio collection, Navigationi et viaggi (1556), Vol. III. 23. Relaci6n del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Peru y del gobi,erno y orden que los naturales tenian, y tesoros que en ella se hal laron y de las demds cosas que en el han subcedido hasta el dia de la fecha (1571) (Colecci6n de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espaiia [Madrid, 1844], Vol. V).

24. Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de la provincia del Peru, y de las guerras y cosas sefialadas en ella, acaecidas hasta el venimiento de Gonzalo Pizarro y sus secuaces, que en ella se rebelaron contra Su Ma jestad (Biblioteca de autores espaiioles, Vol. XXVI; Historiadores primi tivos de Indias, Vol. II [Madrid, 1853]). A second edition was published in Seville in 1577; an Italian translation appeared in Venice in 1563, an English translation in London in 1581, and a French translation in Amsterdam in 1700 and in Paris in 1706. The titles of the first two Spanish editions are slightly different from the one cited above, which is that of the Madrid edition of 1853. 25. The first part was translated into Italian and published in Rome in 1555 and in Venice in 1556 and 1560, and into English in London in 1709. An English translation of the second part appeared in London in 1883.

26. Markham, Appendix to History of the Incas by Sarmiento de Gamboa (Cambridge, 1907), p. 276. An earlier English version of this book ap peared under the title Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the Strait of Magellan (London, 1895). 27. The Bibliotheque nationale in Paris possesses a fine copy of this work with the monogram of Gaston d'Orleans. 28. Concerning this author, see the Introduction of Manuel Serrano y Sanz to the 1904 edition of his work. 29. It was translated into Latin and published in Geneva in 1578, brought out in a German edition at Basle and a French edition at Lyon in 1579, and in the Dutch language at Haarlem in 1610. A good English transla tion is to be found in the Hakluyt collection (London, 1857). 30. Even in our own day Pereyra sees in him "a Christian like those of the early Church and a statesman of mettle, a theologian of the Middle Ages, and a preceptor of the philosophers of egalitarianism." (L'oeuvre de l'Espagne en Amerique [Paris, 1925], p. 241.) The most celebrated poet of Ecuador, Olmedo, has sung of "the divine Casas" (Canto d Bolivar).

31. "En cosas de Indias muy apasionado y en 10 mas sustancial dellas muy engaiiado" ("passionately fond of the Indies and very much deceived in regard to the most essential facts about them"), says Ondegardo ("Copia de carta," Ope cit., p. 426). 32. Ondegardo, in the work cited above, asserts that on two occasions Las Casas tried to go there, but without success. 33. The full title is Apologetica historia sumaria quanto d las cualidades, Notes to Pages 243-245 361 dispusici6n~ descripci6n~ cielo y suelo destas tierras~ y condiciones na turales~ policias~ republicas~ maneras de vivir e costumbres de las gentes destas Indias occidentales y meridionales~ cuyo imperio soberano per tenece d los Reyes de Castilla (1st ed.; Seville, 1552). 34. The title of the first French translation of the pamphlet on the destruc tion of the Indies is a good indication of the state of mind of the enemies of Spain: Tyrannies et cruautes des Espagnols perp,etres es Indes occi dentales qU'on dit le Nouv.eau Monde~ brievement descrites en langue castillane par feveque Don Frere Barthelemy de Las Casas (Antwerp, 1579). The title of the English translation is even more indicative of bias: The Tears of the Indians~' Being an Historical and True Account of the Cruel Massacres and Slaughters of Above Twenty Million [sic] of Innocent People (London, 1656). The same pamphlet was published, in turn, in Dutch in 1578, in French at Paris in 1582 and at Lyon in 1594, in German at Frankfort in 1597, and in Latin in the same city in 1598, in Italian at Venice in 1626, in French once again at Rouen in 1630 and at Lyon in 1642. Few authors were as popular in France as Las Casas.

His panegyric was read at the Institut national on the 22nd of Floreal of the year VIII. 35. An Italian translation was published at Rome in 1556 and at Venice in 1557; a French edition was published at Paris in 1568; and the English translation in London in 1578. The full title of the first Spanish edition is: Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias~ con todo el descubrimiento y cosas notables que han acaecido desde que se gafiaron asta el ano de 1551. 36. Our quotations from this author are from the Madrid edition of 1851-55. The original was published in successive fragments, under various titles, at Toledo in 1526, at Seville in 1535, and at Salamanca in 1547. A French translation was published at Paris in 1556. 37. Our quotations from Herrera are from the Madrid edition of 1730. Herrera sought to follow a chronological order, which is very detrimental to the clarity of his presentation. A French translation of the first part appeared in 1622 at Amsterdam, and a Latin translation was published at the same time. The entire work was published in French in 1659 at Paris and in English in 1725 at London.

38. We may mention in passing the Latin treatise written by a Dutch trav eler, Levinus Apollonius, whose De Peruviae regionis inter N ovi Orbis provincias celeberrimae~ inv.entione et rebus in eadem gestis appeared at Antwerp in 1566 and was published in a German translation in the following year at Basle. The author devotes no more than a few pages to an examination of the state of affairs in Peru at the time of the con quest. Modern historians are not in agreement about whether he lived in America or whether he died in the Canary Islands before he could reach the New World. In any case, he never penetrated into the interior of Peru. To convince oneself of this, one need only glance at the map which he puts at the head of his treatise: Quito is placed south of CUlCOt 39. The first part of this work was published in Lisbon in 1609, and the second part in Cordova in 1617. The entire work was published in a 362 Notes to Pages 245-250 French translation by Baudouin in 1633 at Paris, and in an English translation in 1688 at London. Meanwhile, Garcilaso had already pub lished, in 1605, the Florida del Ynca" an account of the exploits of Her nando de Soto in Florida.

40. Markham, Introduction to Rites and Laws of the Yncas" p. xv. 41. The manuscript of BIas Valera was lost during the siege of Cadiz by the English in 1596. Father Maldonado de Saavedra, professor of theology at Cordova, had given some sheets of it to Garcilaso. BIas Valera visited the mission of Juli on the shore of Lake Titicaca. He wrote between 1568 and 1591. Montesinos also made use of a part of his work. 42. Speech given on April 22, 1916, at the University of Lima in celebration of his tercentenary. 43. Reclus, L'homme et la terre" IV, 431. 44. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia de poetas hispano-americanos (Madrid, 1894), III, clxiii. 45. Markham, Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the Straits of Magellan (London: Hakluyt Society, 1895). 46. The title of the Spanish manuscript is Segunda parte de la historia general llamada indica. 47. Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias, VIII, 263.

48. R. Levillier, Don Francisco de Toledo, supremo organizador del Peru (Madrid, 1935), I, 203. 49. Our quotations are from the Madrid edition of 1792. The publication of the first sections, in Latin, was begun at Salamanca in 1588 under the title De natura N ovi Orbis libri II et de promulgatione Evangelii apud Indos sive de procuranda Indorum salute libri VI. This book enjoyed a great success. An Italian translation was published at Venice in 1596, a French translation at Paris in 1598, a Dutch translation in Enckhuysen in the same year, translations in German and in Latin at Frankfort in 1601 and 1602, and an English translation at London in 1604. The best chapters of the H istoria natural y moral describe the flora and fauna of South America. Acosta has been called the Pliny of the New World (Toribio Medina, Biblioteca hispano-americana, I, 497). At the time of his death in 1600 he was rector of the University of Salamanca.

50. Carlos Romero, "El licenciado Polo de Ondegardo," Revista historica de Lima, 1913, p. 452, and Introduction to Vol. III of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru," p. xxiii. 51. We have frequently cited this excellent translation, under the simple title, "Report." 52. Cf. the Introduction of Carlos Romero to Vol. III of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru," p. xxviii. In the Angrand collection at the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris, in a work entitled Huit articles detaches des nouvelles Annales de Voyages, there is a translation by Ternaux-Compans of a report which, in a note and without further reference, he attributes to Ondegardo. The title of this translation is "De l'etat du Plerou avant la conquete." 53. Pietschmann considers that the Matienzo manuscript kept in the British Museum is not this high official's own work (Pietschmann, Aus den Notes to Pages 250-251 363 Gottingischen gelehrten Anzeigen) 1912, No. 12). An interesting report by Matienzo on the work in the mines appears in Vol. XXIV of the "Coleccion de documentos del Archivo de Indias," p. 149.

54. This account appeared in Madrid in 1879 in a work entitled Tres rela ciones de antigiledades peruanas. It was translated by Markham in his Rites and Laws of the Yncas (London, 1873) under the title "An Account of the Antiquities of Peru." In the same volume is the translation of a report by F. de Avila, dated 160B, and entitled "Tratado y relaci6n de los errores, falsos dioses y otras supersticiones y ritos diab6licos en que vivian antiguamente los indios de las provincias de Huarochiri, Mama y Chaclla, y hoy tambien viven engafiados con gran perdidon de sus almas" ("A Narrative of the Errors, False Gods, and Other Superstitions and Diabolical Rites in Which the Indians of the Province of Huaro chiri Lived in Ancient Times"). It is one of the works that give some indications, though very vague, of the ancient civilization of the coast. 55. De la Riva-Agiiero, La historia en el Peru (Lima, 1910). Rene Moreno, in Bolivia y Peru (Santiago de Chile, 1905), compares Calancha to Betan zos. However, these writers are very different in every respect, Betanzos being by far the superior.

56. A French monk had the ingenious idea of translating Calancha in a considerably abridged version, and this was published in 1653 under the title Histoire du Perou) partie principale des Antipodes et du Nouveau Monde) by "an Augustinian father of the province of Tolosa." A partial translation in Latin was published at Antwerp in 1651. 57. Arriaga made a long sojourn at Arequipa and returned to Europe around 1601 (Carlos Romero, "EI Padre Pablo Jose de Arriaga," Revista historica de Lima) 1919). 58. Anello Oliva lived in Peru between 1597 and 1642, according to Dorsey (Bibliography), but these dates are not accepted by Jijon y Caamafio and Carlos Larrea (op. cit.) p. 64, n. 2). 59. Also anonymous are the "Informacion de las idolatrias de los Incas e indios, etc.," reprinted in the "Colecci6n de documentos del Archivo de Indias," Vol. XXI, and the "Relacion de la religion y ritos del Peru, hecha por los primeros religiosos agustinos que alli pasaron para la con version de los naturales," which appears in Vol. III of the same collection and in Vol. XI of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru."

60. Historia del celebre santuario de Nuestra Senora de Copacabana y sus milagros einvenci6n de la cruz de Carabuco. The second part has to do with the miracles of the Virgin of Copacabana. Our citations from this work refer to the Lima edition of 1867. 61. Certain other writers mentioned by Philip Ainsworth Means in his Biblioteca andina may be listed here. They are of secondary importance, but the student may sometimes discover interesting information in their work. Father Lope de Atienza, in his "Compendia," describes the cloth ing of the Indians; Father Hernando de Avendafio, rector of San Marcos around 1640, informs us of their folklore; and Brother Diego de Cordoba y Salinas, a compiler, the Dominican friar Gregorio Garcia, and Profes364 Notes to Pages 252-257 sor Diego Andres Rocha, who was magistrate at Quito and Lima, all investigated the origins of the Indians. 62. Fidel Lopez, Les races aryennes du Perou, Introduction, p. xxiv.

63. Pablo Patron, "La veracidad de Montesinos," Revista historica de Lima, 1906. 64. J. de la Riva-Agiiero, "Examen de los Comentarios reales," Revista his torica de Lima, 1906-07. 65. William H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru (New York: The Modern Library, Random House, n.d.), p. 1035. 66. Montesinos is critical of Las Casas and Garcilaso, whose fame he has helped to dim, and extols Gamara, Zarate, Cieza de Leon, and, most of all, Herrera. The French translation of Ternaux-Compans is unfortu nately often defective. The Spanish manuscript was published in La Revista de Buenos Aires in 1870 (Vols. XX, XXI, and XXII). 67. Among the Lettres edifiantes et curie uses ecrites des missions etranger.es par quelques missionnaires de la Compagnie de Jesus, published at Paris beginning with the year 1717, there is one, written by Father Morghen and dated 1755, which treats of Peru, but it is concerned only with the cities of the coast.

68. Frezier's account was translated into German at Leipzig in 1747 and published in Spanish at Santiago de Chile in 1902. 69. A French translation appeared at Amsterdam in 1752. 70. Also defensive, but more naive and much more superficial than De Carli's book, is an essay by another Italian, Count Algarotti, entitled Saggio sopra l'imperio degr Incas (Leghorn, 1764). We mention it here because it appeared twice in French translations: in April, 1760, in the Mercure de France;. and in 1769 at London, following the Lettres sur la Russie of the same author. 71. A more detailed discussion of De Pauw, De Carli, Raynal, and Genty may be found in ch. xiv, supra. 72. By a decree dated December 23, 1778, the Spanish authorities were or dered to confiscate all copies of this book. A German translation was published at Leipzig in 1777, and a French translation in two volumes was brought out at Paris in the following year. There is a one-volume English edition which dates from 1828.

73. This work appeared in a German translation at Weimar in 1808. The Mercurio peruano, established in 1791, was suppressed by the Spanish government in 1795. 74. The first part, by De Rivero, appeared at Lima in 1841. 75. Letter addressed to F. Lopez in Deux lettres a propos d'archeologie peruvienne (Buenos Aires, 1878). Von Tschudi produced several other works that are of less interest for us: Peru, Reisekizzen aus den ]ahren 1838-1842 (St. Gall, 1846), Die Kechua-Sprache (Vienna, 1853), and Organismus der Khetsua-Sprache (Leipzig, 1884). 76. The Islands of Titicaca and Coati, ch. I, n. 13 and 46. 77. A. de Alcedo had already published at Madrid in 1786-89 a Diccionario geogrdfico-historico de las Indias occidentales 0 America in five volumes, translated into English in 1812-15. Following the publication of his dicNotes to Pages 258-263 365 tionary, Mendiburu wrote his Apuntes hist6ricos del Peru y noticias cronol6gicas del Cuzco (Lima, 1902), reporting a series of events very questionable historically.

78. Our citations from this book refer to the edition of 1902 in four volumes. The author speaks of the Incas in Bk. XVI of Vol. III. 79. Among other books of lesser importance written by Bastian we may mention Die Rechtsverhaeltnisse bei verschi.edenen Voelkern der Erde (Berlin, 1872) and Kulturhistorischeund sprachlicheBeitriigezur Kennt niss des alten Peru (Vienna, 1891). 80. The Histoires gen.erales in the French language contain only cursory expositions and are of no interest for us, even when they are carefully composed-as, for example, the work of A. Moireau, in Vol. IV of the Histoire generale of Lavisse and Rambaud (Paris, 1894). 81. Among his other works we may also mention Cuzco and Lima (London, 1856); Travels in Peru and in India (London, 1862); Contributions To wards a Grammar and Dictionary of Quichua (London, 1864). 82. Bingham, who was Director of the Yale Peruvian Expedition in 1911 and of the Peruvian expeditions of 1912 and 1914-15 under the joint auspices of Yale University and the National Geographic Society, published sev eral other books on South America, including Machu Picchu (1930) and In the Wonderland of Peru (1913).

83. Among archaeological studies in the German language we may mention a series by A. Baessler, the most important of which was published in an English translation under the title Ancient Peruvian Art (New York, 1902). 84. He differs with eunow on a number of points of minor significance for our purposes. 85. The inhabitants of the coastal region have become Europeanized to some extent by contact with foreign civilizations. To find ancient Peru again, one must cross the Cordillera. 86. Relaci6n~ p. 41. 87. De Crequi-Montfort, "Exploration en Bolivie," Bulletin de la Societe de geographie~ 1902, p. 84. Boman, Antiquites de la region andine, etc., II, 434. 88. Bingham, Inca Land~ p. 122. 89. De Rivero and Tschudi, A ntiquit,es peruviennes, p. 232. 90. Rouma, La civilisation des Incas~ etc.~ pp. 31 and 54. 91. Bingham, Inca Land, p. 107; Bandelier, The Islands of Titicaca, etc., p. 123. 92. R. and M. d'Harcourt, La musique des Incas et ses survivances (Paris, 1925).

93. Guevara, "Derecho consuetudinario, etc.," Ope cit. 94. A French translation appeared at Paris in 1840, and a Spanish edition at Quito in 1844. 95. "Examen crftico de la veracidad de la historia del reino de Quito del P. Juan de Velasco," Boletin de la Sociedad ecuatoriana de estudios his t6ricos americanos~ I (1918), 62. 96. J. de la Espada, Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias~ Vol. III.

366 Notes to Pages 265-268 97. De la Riva-Agiiero, Preface to "Paginas escogidas de Garcilaso de la Vega," which appeared in the Biblioteca de cultura peruana; Raul Por ras Barranechea, El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega; L. A. Sanchez, Garcilaso Inca de la Vega) primer criollo; C. D. Valcarcel, Garcilazo [sic] Inka; L. E. Valcarcel, Garcilaso el Inca; A. Miro Quesada, El Inca Garcilaso. The entire number of the Revista universitaria del Cuzco for the first half of 1939·was devoted to Garcilaso. 98. Vol. II of the Handbook of South American Indians published by the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, 1946). 99. In France, A. de Bosque and J. de la Noue published in 1935 an adapta tion of Prescott in a handsome illustrated edition. 100. Discovered by the French explorer Flournoy. 101. The Shippee-Johnson expedition, for example, made use of this pro cedure. 102. R. Gonnard cites the Inca empire in his great Histoire des doctrines economiques (Paris, 1941), p. 267. But many historians, hypnotized by the civilizations of the ancient world, have not yet discovered America.

, , 100 20 40 KILOMETERS &t-._; . ~ pf;j')~~t ~~,....-1"I'; I ~-~'\ ,., , ...(~"'1.~...." _"",.,1 ' /JAA.RlJ"';;/,I" I-,,"-'" \ , \t, , , , I I· \,, ,. I ' .l~ slIl:l ;s::j°Si\.J f \] ~ ~ flo' --if' ~ ~ ,,- ~.W·< ,-((en E-t'- ~ ~<.~ f1~ ...~ ~ E~pmE OF THE INCAS ~ :~~' (Sou.thernPart) Copiapo ~ ~ ". " :~X:~:X·:··::::·:·::::]:~::::::::::·;:;::~·i~~~3.::~~\~~{~~~:::~:~;;;{:~~3~?::~~~·:.: ..

ISLAND OF TITICACA and Peninsulaof Copacabana I<ILOMETERS, , I 5 , 10 5 0 10 20 PUNA and TUM~EZ " , , 10 o· 20 40 KILOMETERS 370 Bibliography ACOSTA, FATHER JOSE DE. Historia natural y moral de las Indias. 6th ed.; Madrid, 1792. 2 vols. ---. The Natural and Moral History of the Indies. Ed. by Clements R. Markham. London: Hakluyt Society, 1880.2 vols., Nos. 60 and 61. ADAMS, D. The Land of the Incas and the City of the Sun, or the Story of Francisco Pizarro and the Conquest of Peru. London, 1885. ADLER, G. Geschichte des Sozialismus und Kommunismus. Leipzig, 1899. AGUAYo, PEDRO RODRIGUEZ DE. "Descripclon de la ciudad de Quito y vecindad de ella." Relaciones geogrdficas, Vol. III. ALAIS, VAIRASSE D'. His toire des Severambes. Amsterdam, 1677. ALCEDO, A. DE. Diccionario geogrdfico-histdrico de las Indias occiden tales d A merica. Madrid, 1786-89. 5 vols. ALGAROTTI. Saggio sopra l'imperio degl' Incas. Leghorn, 1764. F. tr. in Mercure de France, II (1760).

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