Private Property, Public Purpose; H. Hazlitt

Private Property, Public Purpose HENRY HAZLITT THE SOCIALISTS and communists propose to cure poverty by seizing private property, particularly property in the means of prod uc tion, and turning it over to be operated by the government. What the advocates of all expro priation schemes fail to realize is that property in private hands used for the production of goods and services for the market is al ready for all practical purposes public wealth. It is serving the public just as much as - in fact, far more effectively than - if it were owned and operated by the government. Suppose that a single rich man were to invest his capital in a rail·· road owned by himself alone. He could not use this merely to trans·Henry Hazlitt is well-known to FREEMAN readers as author, columnist, editor, lecturer', and practitioner of freedom. This article will appear as a chapter in a forthcoming book, The Conquest of Poverty, to be published by Arlington House.

port his own family and their per sonal goods. That would be ruin ously wasteful. If he wished to make a profit on his investment, he would have to use his railroad to transport the p~blic and their goods. He would have to devote his railroad to a public use. And unlike a government agency, the private owner is obliged by self-preservation to try to avoid losses, which means that he is forced to run his railroad economically and efficiently. And also unlike a government agency, the private capitalist is nearly always obliged to face competi tion - which means to make the services he provides or the goods he sells superior or at least equal to those provided by his com petitors. Therefore the private capitalist normally serves the pub lic far better than the government could if it took over his property. 727 728 THE FREEMAN December Looked at from the standpoint of the service they provide, the pri vate railroads today are worth vastly more to the public than to their owners.

Though socialists chronically fail to understand it, there is noth ing original in the theme just stated. It was hinted at in Adam Smith: Every individual is continually ex erting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for what ever capital he can command. It is his own advantage, indeed, and not that of the society, which he has in view. But the study of his own ad vantage naturally, or rather neces sarily leads him to prefer that em ployment which is most advantageous to the society.l At another point Adam Smith was even more explicit: Every prodigal appears to be a public enemy, and every frugal man a public benefactor .... The princi ple which prompts to save, is the desire of bettering our condition .... An augmentation of fortune is the means by which the greater part of men propose and wish to better their condition. . . . And the most likely way of augmenting their for tune, is to save and accumulate some part of what they desire .... [The funds they accumulate] are destined for the maintenance of productive 1 Wealth of Nations (1776), Bk. IV, Ch. II.

labor .... The productive powers of the same number of laborers cannot be increased, but in consequence either of some addition and improve ment to those-machines and instru ments which facilitate and abridge labor; or of a more proper division and distribution of employment. In either case an additional capital is almost always required. 2 In the history of economic thought, however, it is astonishing how much this truth was neglected or forgotten, even by some of Smith's most eminent successors. But the theorem has been revived, and some of its corollaries more explici tly examined, by several writers in the present century. How Henry Ford Profitably Served the Public One of them was George E. Roberts, director of the U. S. Mint under three Presidents, who was responsible for the Monthly Eco nomic Letter of the National City Bank of New York from 1914 until 1940. An example often cited by Roberts was Henry Ford and his automobile plant. Roberts pointed out in the July letter of 1918 that the portion of the profits of Henry Ford's automobile business that he had invested in the development and manufacture of a farm tractor was not devoted to Ford's private 2 Ibid., Bk. II, Ch. III.

1970 PRIVATE PROPERTY, PUBLIC PURPOSE 729 wants; nor was that portion which he invested in furnaces for mak ing steel; nor that portion invested in workingmen's houses. "If Henry Ford had exceptional talent for the direction of large productive enterprises the public had no rea son to regret that he had an in come of $50,000,000 a year with which to enlarge his operations. If that income came to him because he had a genius for industrial management, the results to the public were probably larger than they would have been if the $50, 000,000 had been arbitrarily dis tributed at 50 cents per head to all the [then, 1918] population of the country." In brief, only that portion of his income which the owner spends upon himself and his dependents is devoted to him or to them. All the rest is devoted to the public as completely as though the title of ownership was in the state. The individual may toil, study, con trive, and save, but all that he saves inures to others.

But the Ford Motor Company, from the profits of which the original owner drew so little for his own personal needs, is not a unique example in American busi ness. Perhaps the greater part of private profits are today reinvested in industry to pay for increased production and service for the public. Profits After Taxes Average 4 Per Cent of Sales Let us see what happened, for example, to all the corporate prof its in the United States in 1968, fifty years after George Roberts was writing about the Ford Com pany. These aggregate net profits amounted before taxes to a total of $88.7 billion (or one-eighth of the total national income in that year of $712.7 billion). Out of these profits the corpora tions had to pay 46 per cent, or $40.6 billion, to the government in taxes. The public, of course, got directly whatever benefit these provided. Corporate profits after taxes then amounted to $48.2 bil lion, or less than 7 per cent of the national income.

These profits after taxes, more over, averaged only 4 cents for every dollar of sales. This meant that for every dollar that the cor pora tions took in from sales, they paid out 96 cents - partly for taxes, but mainly for wages and for supplies from others. But by no means all of the $48.2 billion earned after taxes went to the stockholders of the corpora tions in dividends. More than half - $24.9 billion - was retained or reinvested in the business. Only $23.3 billion went to the stock holders in dividends. There is nothing untypical in these 1968 corporate reinvestment 730 THE FREEMAN December figures. In everyone of the six years preceding 1968 the amount of funds retained for reinvestment exceeded the total amount paid out in dividends. Moreover, even the $25 billion figure understates corporate re investment in 1968. For in that year the corporations suffered $46.5 billion depreciation on their old plant and equipment. Nearly all of this was reinvested in re pairs to old equipment or to com plete replacement. The $24.9 bil lion represented reinvestment of profits in additional or greatly im proved equipment.

And even the $23.3 billion that finally went to stockholders was not all retained by them to be spent on their personal consumption. A great deal of it was reinvested in new enterprises. The amount is not precisely ascertainable; but the U. S. Department of Commerce estimates that total personal sav ings in 1968 exceeded $40 billion. Thus because of both corporate and personal saving, an ever-in creasing supply is produced of finished goods and services to be shared by the American masses. In a modern economy, in brief, those who save and invest can hardly help but serve the public. As Mises has put it: "In the mar ket society the proprietors of capi tal and land can enj oy their prop erty only by employing it for the satisfaction of other people's wants. They must serve the con sumers in order to have any ad vantage from what is their own. The very fact that they own means of production forces them to sub mit to the wishes of the public.

Ownership is an asset only for those who know how to employ it in the best possible way for the benefit of the consumers. It is a social function."3 It follows from this that the rich can do the most good for the poor if they refrain from ostenta tion and extravagance, and if in stead they save and invest their savings in industries producing goods for the masses. F. A. Harper has gone so far as to write: "Both fact and logic seem to me to support the view that savings invested in privately owned economic tools of produc tion amount to an act of charity. And further, I believe it to be as a type - the greatest economic charity of all."4 Professor Harper supports this view by quoting, among others, from Samuel Johnson, who once said: "You are much surer that you are doing good when you pay 3 Ludwig von Mises, Human Action (Third Revised Edition; Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1966), p. 648.

4 "The Greatest Economic Charity." Essay in symposium On Freedom and Free Enterprise, Mary Sennholz, ed. Van Nostrand, 1956), p. 99.

1970 PRIVATE PROPERTY, PUBLIC PURPOSE 731 money to those who work, as a recompense of their labor, than when you give money merely in charity."5 , So, saving and sound investment are by far the most important means by which the rich can con fer benefits on the poor. Saving and Investment This theme has found expres sion in this century by a deplor ably small number of writers. One of the most persuasive was Hart ley Withers, a former editor of the famous London Economist who published an ingratiatin~ little book in 1914, a few weeks before the outbreak of the First World War, called Po verty and vVaste.ti The contention of his book is that when a wealthy man spends money on luxuries he causes the production of luxuries and so diverts capital, energy, and labor from the production of necessaries, and so makes neces saries scarce and dear for the poor. \Vithers does not ask him ... to giv~ his money away, for he would probably do more harm than good thereby, unless he did it very carefully and skilfully; but only to invest part of what he now spends 5 James Boswell, The Life of Samuel Johnson (Boston: Charles E. Lauriat Co., 1925). Vol. II, p. 636.

6 (London: Smith, Elder, 1914; Second, Revised Edition, John Murray, 1931.) on luxuries so that more capital may be available for the output of neces saries. So that by the simultaneous process of increasing the supply of capital and diminishing the demand for luxuries the wages of the poor may be increased and the supply of their needs may be cheapened; and he himself may feel more comfort able in the enjoyment of his income. 7 Yet in spite of the authority of the classical economists and the inherent strength of the argu ments for saving and investment, the gospel of spending has an even older history. One of the chief tenets of the "new econom ics" of our time is that saving is not only ridiculous but the chief cause of depressions and unem ployment. Adam Smith's arguments for saving and investment were at least partly a refutation of some of the mercantilist doctrines thriv ing in the century before he wrote.

Professor Eli Heckscher, in his M ercant,ilism (2 vol., 1935), quotes a number of examples of \vhat he calls "the deep-rooted be lief in the utility of luxury and the evil of thrift. Thrift, in fact, was regarded as the cause of un employment, and for two reasons: in the first place, because real in come was believed to diminish by the amount of money which did not enter into exchange, and sec7 Poverty and Waste, p. 139.

732 THE FREEMAN December ondIy, because saving was believed to withdraw money from circula tion."8 An· example of· how persistent these fallacies were, long after Adam Smith's refutation, is found in the words that the sailor turned-novelist, Captain Marryat, put into the mouth of his hero, Mr. Midshipman Easy, in his novel by that name published in 1836: The luxury, the pampered state, the idleness - if you please, the wickedness - of the rich, all contrib ute to the support, the comfort, and the employment of the poor. You may behold extravagance - it is a vice; but that very extravagance circulates money, and the vice of one contributes to the happiness of many. The only vice which is not redeemed by producing commensurate good, is avarice. Mr. Midshipman Easy is sup posed to have learned this wisdom in the navy, but it is almost an exact summary of the doctrine preached in Bernard Mandeville's Fable of the Bees in 1714.

Luxury Spending Now though this doctrine is false in its attack on thrift, there is an important germ of truth in it. The rich can hardly prevent themselves from helping the poor to some extent, almost regardless of how they spend or save their 8 Vol. ii, p. 208. money. So far from the wealth of the rich being the cause of the poverty of the poor, as the imme morial popular fallacy has it, the poor are made less poor by their economic relations with the rich. Even if the rich spend their money foolishly and wastefUlly, they give employment to the poor as serv ants, as suppliers, even as pand ers to their vices. But what is too often forgotten is that if the rich saved and invested their money they would not only give employment to just as many peo ple producing capital goods, but that as a result of the reduced costs of production and the in creased supply of consumer goods which this investment brought about, the real wages of the work ers and the supply of goods and services available to them would greatly increase.

What is also forgotten by the defenders of luxury spending is that, though it improves the con dition of the poor who cater to it, it also increases their dissatisfac tion, unrest, and resentment. The result is increased envy of, and sullenness toward, those who are making them better off. The first eminent economist who attempted to refute Adam Smith's proposition that "every prodigal appears to be a public enemy, and every frugal man a public bene factor" was Thomas R. Malthus.

1970 PRIVATE PROPERTY, PUBLIC PURPOSE 733 Malthus's objections were partly well taken and partly fallacious. I have examined them rather fully in another place; 9 and I shall con tent myself here with quoting a few lines from the answer that a greater economist than Malthus, David Ricardo, made at the time (circa 1814-21): Mr. Malthus never appears to re member that to save is to spend, as surely as what he exclusively calls spending .... I deny that the wants of consumers generally are diminished by parsimony - they are transferred with the power to consume to an other set of consumers.l 0 John Maynard Keynes We have yet to discuss the views of the most influential opponent of saving in our time - John Maynard Keynes. I t is widely believed, especially by his disciples, that Lord Keynes did not condemn saving until, in a sudden vision on his road to Da mascus, the truth flashed upon him and he published it in The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money in 1936. All this is apocryphal. Keynes dispar aged saving almost from the be ginning of his career. He was warning his countrymen in a 9 The Failure of the "New Economics"

(Van Nostrand, 1959), pp. 40-43 and 355-362. 10 Notes on Malthus (Sraffa edition), p. 449 and p. 309. broadcast address in January, 1931, that "whenever you save five shillings, you put a man out of work for a day." And long before that, in his Economic Conse quences of the Peace, published in 1920, he was writing passages like this: The railways of the world which [the nineteenth century] built as a monument to posterity, were, not less than the Pyramids of Egypt, the work of labor which was not free to consume in immediate enjoyment the full equivalent of its efforts. Thus this remarkable system de pended for its growth on a double bluff or deception. On the one hand the laboring classes accepted from ignorance or powerlessness, or were compelled, persuaded, or cajoled by custom, convention, authority, and the well-established order of Society into accepting, a situation in which they could call their own very little of the cake that they and Nature and the capitalists were cooperating to pro duce. And on the other hand the cap italist classes were allowed to call the best part of the cake theirs and were theoretically free to consume it, on the tacit underlying condition that they conSUll1ed very little of it in practice. The duty of "saving" be came nine-tenths of virtue and the growth of the cake the object of true religion. There grew round the non consunlption of the cake all those instincts of puritanis111 which in other ages has withdrawn itself from the world and has neglected the arts of 734 THE FREEMAN December production as well as those of enjoy ment. And so the cake increased; but to what end was not clearly contem plated. Individuals would be exhorted not so much to abstain as to defer, and to cultivate the pleasures of se curity and anticipation. Saving was for old age or for your children; but this was only in theory - the virtue of the cake was that it was never to be consumed, neither by you nor by your children after you. (pp. 19-20.) This passage illustrates the ir responsible flippancy that runs through so much of Keynes's work.

It was clearly written tongue-in cheek. In the very next sentences Keynes made a left-handed retrac tion: "In writing thus I do not necessarily disparage the practices of that generation. In the uncon scious recesses of its being Society knew what it was about," etc. Yet he let his derision stand to do its harm. If we accepted Keynes's original passage as sincerely written, we would have to point out in reply: (1) The railways of the world can not be seriously compared with the pyramids of Egypt, because the railways enormously improved the production, transportation, and availability of goods and services for the masses. (2) There was no bluff and no deception. The work ers who built the railroads were perfectly "free" to consume in im mediate enjoyment the full equivalent of their efforts. It was the capitalist classes that did nearly all the saving, not the workers. (3) Even the capitalist classes did consume most of their slice of the cake; they were simply wise enough to refrain from consuming all of it in the same year as they baked it.

This point is so fundamental, and both Keynes and his disciples have so confused themselves and others with their mockery and in tellectual somersaults, that it is worth making the matter plain by constructing an illustrative table. Results in Ruritania: A Larger IICake li Let us assume that in Ruritania, as a result of net annual saving and investment of 10 per cent of output, there is over the long run an average increase in real pro duction of 3 per cent a year. Then the picture of economic growth we get over a ten-year period runs like this in terms of index num bers: Total Consumers' Capital Year Production Goods Goods First 100 90 10 Second 103 92.7 10.3 Third 106.1 95.5 10.6 Fifth 112.5 101.3 11.2 Tenth 130.5 117.5 13.0 (These results do not differ too widely from what has been hap1970 PRIVATE PROPERTY, PUBLIC PURPOSE 735 pening in recent years in the United States.) What this table illustrates is that total production in Ruritania increases each year because of the net saving (and consequent in vestment), and would not increase without it. The saving is used year after year to increase the quantity and improve the quality of exist ing machinery or other capital equipment, and so to increase the output of both consumption and capital goods.

Each year there is a larger and larger "cake." Each year, it is true, not all of the currently pro duced cake is consumed. But there is no irrational or cumulative con sumer restraint. For each year a larger and larger cake is in fact consumed; until even at the end of five years (in our illustration), the annual consumers' cake alone is equal to the combined pro ducers' and consumers' cakes of the first year. Moreover, the capi tal equipment, the ability to pro duce goods, is now 12 per cent greater than in the first year. And by the tenth year the ability to produce goods is 30 per cent greater than in the first year; the total cake produced is 30 per cent greater than in the first year, and the consumers' cake alone is more than 17 per cent greater than the combined consumers' and pro ducers' cakes in the first year. No Allowances for Depreciation There is a further point to be taken into account. Our table is built on the assumption that there has been a net annual saving and investment of 10 per cent a year; but in order to achieve this Ruri tania will probably have to have a gross annual saving and invest, ment of, say, twice as much, or 20 per cent, to cover the repairs, depreciation··and deterioration tak ing place every year in housing, roads, trucks, factories, equip ment. This is a consideration for which no room can be found in Keynes's simplistic and mocking cake· analogy. The same kind of reasoning which would make it seem silly to save for new capital would also make it seem silly to save enough even to replace old capital.

In a Keynesian world, in which saving was a sin, production would go lower and lower, and the world would get poorer and poorer. In the illustrative table I have by implication assumed the long run equality of saving and invest ment. Keynes himself shifted his concepts and definitions of both saving and investment repeatedly. In his General Theory the discus sion of their relation is hopelessly confused. At one point (p. 74) he tells us that saving and invest ment are "necessarily equal" and "merely different aspects of the 736 THE FREEMAN December same thing." At another point (p. 21) he is telling us that they are "two essentially different activi ties" without even a "nexus." Produce, Save, Invest Let us, putting all this aside, try to look at the matter both simply and realistically. Let us define saving as an excess of pro duction over consumption; and let us define investment as the employ ment of this unconsumed excess to create additional means of produc tion. Then, though saving and in vestment are not always neces sarily equal, over the long run they tend to equality.

New capital is formed by pro duction combined with saving. Be fore there can be a given amount of investment, there must be a pre ceding equal amount of saving. Saving is the first half of the ac tion necessary for more invest ment. "To complete the act of forming capital it is of course necessary to complement the nega tive factor of saving with the posi tive factor of devoting the thing saved to a productive service .... [But] saving is an indispensable condition precedent of the forma tion of capital."ll Keynes constantly deplored sav11 Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk, Positive Theory of Capital, 1891 (South Holland, Ill.: Libertarian Press, 1959), pp. 104, 118. ing while praIsIng investment, persistently forgetting that the second was impossible without the first. Of course it is most desirable economically that whatever is saved should also be invested, and in addition invested prudently and wisely. But in the modern world, investment follows or accompanies saving almost automatically. Few people in the Western world foday keep their money under the floor boards. Even the poorer savers put their money out at interest in savings banks; and those banks act as intermediaries to take care of the more direct forms of in vestment. Even if a man keeps a relatively large sum in an in acti ve checking deposit, the bank in which he keeps it, trying al ways to maximize its profits or to minimize losses, seeks to keep itself "fully loaned up" - that is, with close to the minimum neces sary cash reserves. If there is in sufficient demand at the time for commercial loans, the bank will buy Treasury bills or notes. The result in the United States, for example, is that a bank in New York or Chicago would normally lend out five-sixths of the "hoard er's" deposit; and a "country bank" would lend out even more of it.

Of course, to repeat, a saver can do the most economic good, both 1970 PRIVATE PROPERTY, PUBLIC PURPOSE 737 for himself and his community, if he invests most of his savings, and invests them prudently and wisely. But - contrary to the the ories of the mercantilists and the Keynesians - even if he "hoards" his savings he may often penefit both himself and the community and at least under normal condi tions do no harm. To understand more clearly why this is so it may be instructive to begin by distinguishing between three kinds of (or motives for) saving, and three groups of savers -roughly the poor, the middle class, and the wealthy. Rent-day Saving Let us call the most necessary kind, which even the poorest must practice, "rent-day saving." Men buy and pay for things over dif ferent time periods. They buy and pay for food, for the most part, daily. They pay rent weekly or monthly. They buy major articles of clothing once or twice a year.

A man who earns $10 a day can not afford to spend $10 a day on food and drink. He can spend on them, say, not more than $6 a day, and must put aside $4 a day from which to payout part at the end of the month for rent, light, and heat, and another part for a winter overcoat at the end of six months, and so on. This is the kind of saving necessary to ensure one's ability to spend throughout the year. "Rent-day saving" can symbolize all the saving necessary to pay for regularly recurrent and unavoidable living expenses. Ob viously this kind of saving, sus tained only for weeks or a season, is not cumulative and can in no circumstances be held responsible for business depressions. It is ut ter irresponsibility to ridicule it. Rainy-day Saving Can't Cause Depression The next kind of saving, which applies especially to the middle classes, or moderately well off, is what we may call "rainy-day sav ing." This is saving against such possible contingencies as loss of a job, illness in the family, death of the breadwinner, or the like.

It is this "rainy-day saving" that the Keynesians most deplore, and from which they fear the direst consequences. Yet even in extreme cases it does not, except in very special cyclical circum stances, tend to bring about any depression or economic slowdown. Let us consider, for example, a society consisting entirely of "hoarders" and "misers." They are hoarders and misers in this sense : that they all ass ume they are going to live till 70 but will be forced to retire at 60; and they want to have as much to spend in each of their last ten years as in 738 THE FREEMAN December their 40 working years from 20 to 60. This means that each family will save one-fifth of its annual in come over 40 years in order to have the same amount to spend in each of its final ten years. Weare deliberately assuming the extreme case, so let us assume that the money saved is not in vested in a business or in stocks or bonds, is not even put in a savings bank, earns no interest, but is simply "hoarded."

This of course would permit no economic improvement whatever, but if it were the regular perma nent way of life in that commun ity, at least it would not lead to a depression. The people who re frained from buying a certain amount of consumers' goods and services would not be bidding up their prices; they would simply be leaving them for others to buy. If this saving for old age were the regular and expected way of life, and not some sudden unan ticipated mania for saving, the manufacturers of consumer goods would not have produced an over supply to be left on their hands; the older people in their seventh decade would in fact be spending more than similarly aged people in a "spending" society, and the unspent savings of those who died would revert to the spending stream. Over a long period, year by year, there would be just as much spent as in a "spending" society. Let us remember that money saved, in an evenly-rotating econ omy, where there is neither mone tary inflation nor deflation, does not go out of existence. Savings, even when they are not invested in production goods, are merely deferred or postponed spending.

The money stays somewhere and is always finally spent. In the long run, in a society with a relatively stable ratio between hoarders and spenders, savings are constantly coming back into the spending stream, through old-age spending or through deaths, keeping the stream at an even flow. Wha t we are trying to under stand is merely the effect of sav ing per se, and not of sudden and unanticipated changes in spending and saving. Therefore we are ab stracting from the effects pro duced by unexpected changes in spending and saving or changes in the stock of money. If even a heavy amount of saving were the regular way of life in a commun ity, the relative production and prices of consumers' and pro ducers' goods would already be ad j usted to this. Of course, if a de pression sets in from some other cause, and the prices of securi ties and of goods begin to fall, and people suddenly fear the loss of their jobs, or a further fall in 1970 PRIVATE PROPERTY, PUBLIC PURPOSE 739 prices, this may lead to a massive and unanticipated increase in sav ing (or more exactly in nonspend ing) and this may of course in tensify a depression already begun from other causes. But depres sions cannot be blamed on regular, predictable, anticipated saving.

Some readers may contend that I have not yet imagined the most extreme case of saving - a society, say, all the members of which per petually save more than half as much as they earn, and keep sav ing, not for old age, or for any reasonable contingency, but sim ply because of a "religion" of sav ing. In brief, these would be the cake nonconsumers of Keynes's satire. But such an imaginary so ciety involves a contradiction of assumptions. If the members of that society intended always to live at their existing modest or even mean level, why would they keep exerting themselves to pro duce more than they ever expected to consume? That would be patho logic to the point of insanity. Keynes's allegory of the extent of supposed nineteenth century thrift was surely his own hallucination. Capitalistic Saving for Investment in Industry We come finally to the third type of saving - what we may call "cap italistic" saving. This is saving that is put aside for investment in industry-either directly, or in directly in the form of savings bank deposits. It is saving that yields interest or profits. The saver hopes, in his old age or even earlier, to live on the income yielded by his investments rather than by consuming his saved capi tal.

This type of "capitalistic" sav ing was until recently confined to the very rich. Indeed, even the very rich were not able to take ad vantage of this type of saving un til the modern development of banks and corporations. As late as the beginning of the eighteenth century we hear of London mer chants on their retirement taking a chest of gold coin with them to the country with the intention of gradually drawing on that hoard for the rest of their lives.l.:.?Today the greater part even of the Amer ican middle classes, however, en joy the advantage of capitalistic saving. To sum up. Contrary to age-old prejudices, the wealth of the rich is not the cause of the poverty of the poor, but helps to alleviate that poverty. No matter whether it is their intention or not, almost anything that the rich can legally 12 F. A. Hayek, Profits, Interest and Investment (London: George Routledge, 1939), pp. 162-163. See also the numerous cases mentioned in G. M. Trevelyan's English Social History (David McCay, 1942) .