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Chapter 3 of 132 · The Freeman 1974 by Foundation for Economic Education

The Voluntarist's Role; R. Foley, Jr.

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Self-understanding of freedom represents an obligation which cannot be fulfilled, even with a lifetime of effort. The role of the free market, the concept of limited government, the ideal of individual freedom and initiative in a volun tary society, all command attention to their myriad applications in day-to-day living. Nevertheless, seminal mastery of the idea of liberty impels recog nition of a second-level enterprise: implementation of the freedom Mr. Foley, a partner in Souther, Spaulding, Kinsey, Williamson & Schwabe, practices law in Portland, Oregon. 10 ethic. At this level of development, the voluntarist l has gained suffi cient maturity and knowledge to enj oy a partial command of his subject; he now quests for ways and means of branching forth, of inculcating like beliefs in other individuals in the hope that prac tice will replace theory in our world. An immediate problem confronts each of us as we emerge from the cocoon of internal analysis to the incipient butterfly. of action - we are outnumbered, we are out flanked, and we face a plethora of brush fires scorching what preci· ous little freedom remains to us, Too often the tendency is to throw up our hands in horror, bemoan the lack of full-time "freedom fighters," and drop out of the fray, 1 I use "libertarian" and "voluntarist' in terchangeably to mean one committee to the precepts of individual libert~ briefly noted in the opening paragraph.

1974 THE VOLUNTARIST'S ROLE 11 Such a reaction should not sur prise anyone, for we perceive at tacks on liberty on all fronts. Re flect briefly on a few. The Bank Secrecy Act of 1970 commandeers the allegedly private but actually publicly controlled banking system into full-time espionage by requir ing all bankg to microfilm and pre serve copies of all of our checks for governmental inspection and use. Now, if a private citizen or entity undertook such a project to build a dossier on every citizen in the nation, or if the FBI pursued such a course of conduct without court authority, the hue and cry of "police state" would ring in our ears; yet, when a benevolent gov ernment deals thus with its citi zens in the economic realm, scarcely a bleat is heard above the din of approval. Nevertheless, one cannot imagine a more virulent ex cursion into personal rights; whose business is it if I write checks to FEE, or to the IRS, or to the local massage parlor? Not the state's business, to be sure!

Laws Against Gold Again, consider the legislative norms and executive decrees which coalesce and prohibit American citizens from owning gold. 2 Per2 See Holzer, Henry Marsh, "How Americans Lost Their Right to Own Gold -and Became Criminals in the Process," 39 Brooklyn Law Review 517-557 (1973). haps a case might be made for inhibiting certain individuals with proven dangerous propensities from possessing instruments of de struction, like hydrogen bombs, plastic explosives or M-1 rifles. No such case exists for depriving any one from converting the value he hag created into any form he de sires: gold, tobacco, wampum, or Hershey bars. Some befuddled economist named Keynes once labeled gold a "barbarous relic"; that act provides no reason to pro hibit me from seeking refuge in a metal which I believe constitutes a store of value in these perilous economic times. The voluntarist believes that the creator of value ought to be able to spend, save, or 'waste that value in any way he sees fit, so long as he does no harm to others exercising an equal and re ciprocal freedom. Only the posses sor can assimilate and reflectively act upon the myriad bits of infor mation which integrate into mak ing the decision of the best choice for the actor under the circum stances.

Protectors of Consumers Another petty coercion appears in the self-styled knights-errant who pose in the garb of protectors of the consumer. The Nader-like "public interest research groups" (PIRG's), which proliferate like rabbits, offer an apt example. Now, 12 THE FREEMAN January I normally feel competent, as a consumer, to decide what I wish to purchase; at the very least, I pos sess adequate acumen that if I try a bar of Grandma's Lye Soap and discover that it is not up to snuff, I usually have little difficulty in dissuading myself from identical future purchases. A like-minded citizenry , operating on choice rather than coercion, will see to it that Grandma's Lye Soap goes out of business if it fails to produce desirable results. This vote - the dollar vote - represents the true key to economic democracy. Only producers who offer something of value desired by purchasers will continue to operate. The inefficient or incompetent producer will ex hibit only a warehouse of unsold lye soap for his effort.

PIRG's arouse my animosity not because of their .ends, some of which are laudable, but because of the means used to achieve those ends. 3 PIRG's seek to warn con sumers of frauds and deceptions. While doubting that such unoffi cial alarm systems operate very effectively and efficiently, few men of good will condone force or fraud 3 Remember Emerson's caveat: "The ends preexist in the means." See Read, Leonard E., "The Bloom PreExists in the Seed," Let Freedom Reign (The Foundation For Economic Education, Inc., Irvington-On-Hudson, New York 1969) 78-86. Nowhere does this warning appear more starkly than in the instant setting. in any guise, and all cheer efforts to allay such practices. But PIRG's invite rational attack because their very means are coercive and de ceptive: most are funded by monies extorted from other individuals (often nonconsenting students merely seeking an education at state-supported institutions of higher learning) or taxpayers who do not agree with the ends sought, the means employed, or who simply want to exercise their own right of free choice. No libertarian can consistently deny the right of others to band together for protec tion against fraud; he can take umbrage at being mulcted to sup port their activities.

Safety Glasses Can our sensitivities stand yet another example? The Safety Op tics Act represents Congressional and bureaucratic usurpation of private rights to the nth degree. All eyeglasses (save a very few) must conform to rigid standards better fit for construction workers or jackhammer operators than for lawyers or housewives. These al most impossible requirements, en acted in the guise of public safety, increase the cost of prescription lenses (needlessly for the aged who generally can ill afford the charge and who seldom engage in hazardous activities), not to men tion the time one must forego 1974 THE VOLUNTAl:tIST'S ROLE 13 needed lenses while his new glasses undergo endless testing. Noone challenges the propriety of a party bargaining for strong, glare treated, shatterproof, crack-resist ant eyeglasses on a voluntary basis, but no one should compel another individual to accept only those lenses some person or group thinks "desirable." Risk is a pa.rt of ,living and, contrary to a pecu liar statist notion, no one can leg islate the risk out of life and pro duce an entirely wholesome and antiseptic world. Eliminate risk (assuming the possibility), and you have eliminated one element which forms the very verve and vi tality of life.

Unwarranted Interferences Other petty coercions appear hourly on -the modern scene. While too numerous to catalog, the aspir ing voluntarist can learn to rec ognize them and to accept these irritations for their true nature. Any time the state, the organized force of society, aids one individ ual or group at the expense of an other individual or group, or in hibits free a.ction of any citizen not engaged in coercive practices, it has overstepped its proper bounds and trampled freedom in the process. Every subsidy, every restraint of free trade, every inhi hition on personal voluntary ac tion, every censorship, and all other rules of that ilk, demand eondemnation precisely because they represent irrational and im moral interferences with the 8acred life given to each human being. The existence and proliferation of these mighty and petty ravages of freedom typically impel the second-stage volunteer to one of two courses of conduct. Either he laments his case as hopeless and hides himself into seclusion (the passive reaction), or he "rails against follY,"4 peripatetically flailing about at real and imagined targets (the active reaction).

The passive reaction mourns the Jlack of full-time "freedom fight ers" to wage battle on behalf of all 'who love liberty. Yet each of us should commit himself to the fray. 'We cannot combat by proxy and exhibit the effectiveness necessary to carry the day. Success requires a.nalysis, input and action from diverse individuals and groups, not a canned, one-dimensional, sterile approach. The active reaction: action. Re fuse to comply! Circumvent the law! To jail, if necessary, all to rnake a point! But to whom would the point be made ?To the count less pre-reflective individuals, both 'IVithin and without the political ~lpparatus ? Not likely, for they 4 See Read, Leonard E., "Railing Against Folly" (unpublished eassay).

14 THE FREEMAN January cannot comprehend the meaning connected with the act. A few, if they knew, might understand. The actor, too, would understand and would rest easily with his con science for he would know that he performed morally by refusing to become a willing participant in coercion. A free man in an unfree world. The Reflective Reaction An alternative exists: the reflec tive reaction: persuasion first of self, then of those roundabout who voluntarily listen, whose thirst for understanding brings them within the a.mbit of your light. Isn't this more sensible than "rail ing against folly," than running off in six different directions at once, waiving at poltergeists and tilting at windmills? A cool, calcula.ted and objective approach merits con sideration, and, probably, assures a greater measure of success and satisfaction. By this methodology I do not advocate some mere passive re sistance, retiring to a virgin mountaintop where one can think great thoughts. Whilst I remain of philosophical bent, I advocate action, but reflective, effective ac tion. The time is now, the need acute, the task tremendous. We must summon all of our strength, our intelligence, our prayers to the endeavor; but this means convening our energies and employing them in a calculated and rational manner. The engaging little stat· ists who tear about our society can be effectively defanged if individ· ualists keep the faith, improve their own understanding, eschew preaching, exhibit a joyful demea· nor, live their lives consistently in accordance with their philosophy, and light a few brush fires of their own along the way. Let us briefly examine these guidelines.

Keep the faith First, we must keep the faith. Withdrawal admits defeat. It hides our light from the rest of the world, for the faithless exude poor candlepower. We must believe: truly believe, in our basic preceptE and act upon that belief. Second, each of us must improve his understanding of the nature and philosophy of the freedom doc trine. As noted at the outset, this never-end.ing task will consume our whole life and dominate our whole being, for no one of us can accom plish perfect freedom even with a lifetime of effort. Reading, think ing, conversing with others of botlJ like and unlike minds will propel us on our way in this regard Growth represents our goal, fOl man is a "becoming" creature. Third, we must avoid the tend· ency to preach to others, for nc one listens much to a "know-it· 1974 THE VOLUNTARIST'S ROLE 15 a11."5 Like the converted sinner filled to the brim with the miracle of his conversion, the libertarian after long periods of study often appears so full of exuberance that he feels he must spray forth his beliefs or burst. Yet we know from common experience that the ener getic young preacher detracts from his message when he intrudes so deeply into the conversation that he dominates all others. Each of us wants very much to be heard, to have other beings place value on his utterances. The libertarian must learn to listen as well as to speak, to offer his light in small bits, easy to assimilate. Electricity provides wonderful gifts, but none of our appliances can effectively use this source as it arrives from the powerhouse; the energy must be broken down into usable quan tities and forces .by means of a series of complicated distribution systems and transformers. The freedom devotee must provide his own transformer. Patience and perseverance represent ultimate values in this regard.

Compassion and Joy Fourth, forget not the need for calmness, compassion and joy. Treat each human being as a hu5 See Read, Leonard E., Who's Listen ing? (The Foundation For Economic Education, Inc., Irvington-on-Hudson, New York 1973) especially 1-10. man being, not as an object to be :mauled and manipulated. Statists view mankind as so much putty to be molded by the social architect; libertarians conceive of man as possessed of a soul, of dignity, of intrinsic worth qua person. Far too often, gloom and darkness pervade the setting of the voluntarist and :seem to follow him about like a dark cloud. Perhaps this state is eaused by the gravity of the situa tion where statism seems to be 'winning on every side, or by the serious questions we constantly eonsideI'. But such an attitude ignores the solace of our own be lliefs and the essential nature of our endeavor. The freedom philos ophy offers a lilting rhapsody to lman in this world; the tenets of our faith recognize that individ uals, while imperfect, are. capable of great creative and productive strides. Long faces have no place here, for life for the free man offers an exciting challenge and an exhilarating road to follow. Above all, we must retain a sense of humor ere we lose our stability and our effectiveness in the process. An ability to laugh, even at ourselves, in the face of overwhelming chaos, bodes well for the future success.

Fifth, we must live our lives consistently and in accordance with our philosophy. Consistency represents a maj or virtue. All too often purported believers in the 16 THE FREEMAN Januar'y freedom ethic act altogether irra tionally when they move from their chosen discipline into a related arena. Nothing can quell a quest ing audience more quickly than an actor who belies his words by in consistent deeds. The liberta.rian who accepts government subsidies or competitive advantages deviates as much from his beliefs as the hypocri tical Christian who cheats his fellow man on Monday morn ing. No one will be attracted to voluntarism by cant or deceit. No one can truly express libertarian thought without living his life in harmony with those principles. Signal Fires Sixth, after an of .the foregoing we must light a few brush fires along the way, to illuminate the path we call right and just. Liber tarians assume a defensive posture in many instances: they a.re la beled "against" social security, wage and price and rent controls, the Federal Reserve System, crimi nalization of sexual conduct be tween consenting adults, and my riad other sanctions. Our role in cludes patient explanation of the fundamental principles underlying these positions: it also includes much more. Each of us must ex plain the affirmative of the indi vidualist faith: belief in the dig nity of individual man and his power to "chooserationally between alternatives, in th~ right of each human being to live his life strictly, solely, and uniquely in ac cordance with the dictates of his own conscience without interfer ence from others save in the event that he acts coercively or fraudu lently.

The signal fires .I suggest can take many forms far beyond my limited imagination - so long as they truly reflect these basic prin ciples. For example, libertarians living in a state which permits di rect legislative action (initiative, referendum, recall) can refer odi ous legislation, initiate laws which repeal subsidies, recall venal pub lic officials, and the like. Commit ted libertarians can seek elective office if such a course does not con flict with their concern with power. 6 Yet reflective people must sound a caveat, for political power is power - force - and such tools must be carefully used lest we vio late the 1!oncoercive principles -un der lying the freedom ethic. Respect Differences My advocacy of brush fires ex emplifies a concomitant thought: 6 Like Dr. Ludwig von Mises, H granted power, I would abdicate; that position does not mean that all volun tarists share such a view. Certainly, WE need lawmakers and judges to administeI common justice, adjudicate disputes, de fine crimes, prepare and provision armies!

and administer those relatively few laws necessary to a free and ordered society • 1974 THE VOLUNTAE~IST1S ROL~ 17 I do not join the throng which de cries the so-called fragmentation of the "right," the tendency of libertarians to heed distinct toc sins. Some of us exhibit more con cern with an ordered civilization; some of us carry the label "tradi tionalist'" others "libertarian," still others "conservative"; some of us consider defense posture im portant, while others denounce local interferences with our lives in one of the many real and touch ing guises. Yet our very real strength lies in our diversity, our individuality, not in our being a "cohesive political force"; save the latter for the modern-day liberal who enjoys one-mindedness! We Free To Discriminate rnay exhibit minor philosophical differences between each other after all, men are individuals, not carbon copies of one another but we possess many more values in common with other voluntarists than we do with the statists.

Finally, let us display optimism in the ultimate success of our ven ture. It is quite easy to harken to the many and varied lootings of valu'e which occur daily and to fall into despondency, but such an atti tude serves no one well. See the light a.gainst the dark morning sky: ea.ch evil little scheme pre sents one or more of us with a grand opportunity to light his candle for freedom. ~ IDEAS ON L$ LIBERTY IF MAN IS TO CONTINUE his self-improvement, he must be free to exercise the powers of choice with which he has been endowed. When discrimination is not allowed according to one's wisdom and conscience, both discrinlination and conscience will atrophy in the same manner as an unused muscle. Since man was given these faculties, it necessarily follows that he should use them and be personally responsible for the consequences of his choices. This means that he must be free to either enjoy or endure the conse quences of each decision, beeause the lesson it teaches is the sole purpose of experience - the best of all teachers.

F. A. HARPER, Blessings of Discrimination The MultinationalCorporation MARK PETERSOl\ Is the AFL-CIO right when it warns of the "dimming of Amer ica" ensuing from the "export" of American jobs by multinational corporations? And are many non industrial or underdeveloped coun tries, such as Mexico, right in clamping curbs and controls on multinationals? I think not. The multinational corporation, one that undertakes a significant portion of its produc tion outside its original home ", country, is actually a very natural phenomenon, like the weather, which recognizes no national boundaries. The multinational cor poration (MNC) is simply a re sponse to certain economic facts of life: Consumer markets for prod ucts are often international, and natural resource deposits bear little relation to Rand McNally's maps. Thus, Swiss Nestle, an MNC, produces chocolate here be cause the market is here. GM proMr. Peterson is a recent graduate of Princeton and a freelance writer.

The Freeman 1974

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