Chapter 51 of 72 · The Freeman 1986 by Foundation for Economic Education
Book Reviews
359 A REVIEWER'S NOTEBOOK Congressand the Welfare State by John Chamberlain F orty Years Against the Tide: Congress . and the Welfare State, by Senator Carl T. Curtis and Regis Courtemanche (Chicago: Regnery Gateway, 443 pp., $18.95), is the sort of autobiography of a public figure that Albert Jay Nock, a believer in personal pri vacy, would have welcomed. As co-author of this memoir, Curtis, who was a Nebraska repre sentative in the House and Senate from 1938 to 1979, never refers to himself in the first person. There is practically nothing about his family life. In reading the book one recalls the remark made by the wife of Frederic Howe, the pre World War I reformer, when she read the manu script of her husband's autobiography. "But Fred," she asked, "weren't you ever mar ried?" Because of the lack of personal detail in this book one never really sees Carl Curtis. (Russell Kirk's introduction makes up for some of the deficiency.) What one does see is a forty-year panorama of the coming of the Welfare State.
The book is certainly sound as history. As a man of principle, Carl Curtis opposed the growth of the Welfare State philosophy at considerable danger to his own career. It was not that he was against welfare if it had been limited to succoring those who were, for one reason or another, unable to do anything for themselves. But the trouble with welfare, as it developed in a land of competing pressure groups, was that it led the politicians to flood the country with paper money that was far in excess of anything connected with natural pro ductivity. The scramble for this inflationary Senator Carl T. Curtis money created most of the problems that Curtis tried, with considerable pertinacity but little success, to solve by legislation. Unpopular Causes The great thing about Carl Curtis is that he was always willing to risk his neck in support of unpopular causes. Nebraska is a grain-growing state, but Curtis was an early opponent of food stamp rackets that might have benefited individ ual farmers at the expense of the general tax payers. He didn't like the sacred cow of the hot lunch program. The section in this book on 360 "Our Daily Bread from the Government" turns into a tribute to Nebraskans, who kept returning Curtis to Washington by big majorities despite their obvious interest in disposing of the agri cultural surplus at any cost.
As a member of the Select Committee that investigates labor rackets, Curtis was promi nent in the movement that led to certain salu tary improvements of the Taft-Hartley Act. He willingly took on the big labor bosses who wanted no truck with secret union elections. What puzzled Curtis was the selectivity of the Kennedy brothers, John and Bobby, when it came to seeking indictments of labor leaders who countenanced the use of goons in labor dis putes. Bobby Kennedy, as Attorney General, was indefatigable in his pursuit of Jimmy Hoffa of the Teamsters Union. But it was a "no-no" when the Kennedys were asked to do something about the United Automobile Workers' conduct of the strike against the Kohler Company of Wisconsin. There were plenty of instances of goon-squad violence on the part of the UAW in Toledo, Ohio, Buffalo, New York, and Kohler, Wisconsin, but Walter Reuther, the boss of the UAW, led a charmed life when subjected to Curtis's questioning. The Kennedys wouldn't touch Reuther.
When Curtis took a leading part in pushing the investigations of Bobby Baker, who became incredibly rich as chief aide to Senator Lyndon Johnson, he led with his chin. For his temerity in the Baker investigations and in his role in ex posing the fraudulent mortgage racket of Billie Sol Estes in Texas, Curtis was marked out for purging by Lyndon Johnson. But the Nebraska voters resisted Johnson's maneuverings to get Curtis out of Washington. Social Security Curtis even survived the wrath of the elderly when he openly called Social Security funding into serious question. Curtis doubted the actuar ial soundness of a system that certainly wasn't true insurance. But the young came to Curtis's rescue, giving him the votes to counteract el derly defections. The young believed him when he pointed out that there were some twenty-two million Persons paying Social Security taxes who did not have enough income to pay income taxes.
As one who believed in accentuating the posi tive, Curtis pushed the idea of the Individual Retirement Account, or IRA. The IRA legisla tion should have had his name attached to it. Senator Russell Long commended Curtis for his persistence in bringing the "true savings" of IRA into existence as an "antidote to the bur dens imposed by Social Security and other taxa tion. " Curtis was willing to go to the federal gov ernment for help in providing flood control and irrigation for his Nebraska constituency. On the value of irrigation Curtis said "we must not let our natural resources go to waste." Since the Missouri River system drains one-sixth of the United States, Curtis regarded such things as the Flood Control Act of 1944 a legitimate na tional concern. It can certainly be argued that support of irrigation as a national expense is not consonant with Curtis's general feeling that in dividuals and states should take care of them selves. But consistency here would never have sent Curtis to Washington, where for years he was such a force for good. 0 Looking for a Good Book?
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The Freeman 1986
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