Book Reviews

192 BOOKS Eco-Sanity: A Common-Sense Guide to Environmentalism Joseph L. Bast, Peter J. Hill, Richard C. Rue Madison Books. 1994. 316 pages. $22.95 cloth; $12.95 paperback Reviewed by Doug Bandow M any good books have appeared on the environment and the environmental movement in recent years. Ronald Bailey, Michael Fumento, Lou Guzzo, and Dixy Lee Ray, among others, have produced devastating studies of environmental fool ishness. Thoughtful environmentalists like Wallace Kaufman and Martin Lewis have written sharp critiques of the dishonesty and radicalism of movement activists. But if you want the one book that concisely explains both the real ecological state of the world and offers sensible, market-oriented solu tions to environmental problems, it is Eco Sanity: A Common-Sense Guide to Envi ronmentalism. Written by a trio of free market analysts and outdoorsmen, Eco Sanity should provide the standard against which future environmentalist claims are measured.

Such a book is long overdue. It was another book, Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, that helped create the modern en vironmental movement three decades ago. Carson was completely wrong in her warn ing that chemicals were going to create a "silent spring," but that didn't matter to many readers. As the authors of Eco-Sanity observe: "Though the language of Silent Spring has more in common with Night of the Living Dead and Frankenstein than it does with a scientific treatise, the book was presented to the public as objective sci ence." Unfortunately, Carson's .apocalyp tic fear-mongering has been widely imitated by the likes of Lester Brown, Paul Ehrlich, and many others over the years. Eco-S anity comes at a propitious mo ment. During the 1960s and 1970s the envi ronmental movement was able to generate substantial political support for what was in truth a radical regulatory agenda. Although better environmental protection was achiev able at far less cost, "it is unlikely that calls for more research or cost-benefit analysis would have captured the attention of the nation's policy makers," observe the au thors. During the 1980sand 1990s,however, popular resistance to environmental ex tremism stiffened as the cost of making ever smaller ecological advances soared. Yet the environmental movement' 'has been slow to change its tactics in response to these chang ing realities," contends Eco-Sanity. "Envi ronmentalists continue to issue demands without acknowledging their real costs and effects on others. They cling to the obsolete notions of villains and crusaders, blinding them to the contributions of science and economics and making them easy prey for alarmists and media hype." Eco-Sanity should help change this.

The authors begin by reviewing the actual state of the world. If one listens to the prophets of doom, one would think that life on the planet was deteriorating at an alarm ing rate. Indeed, you could be forgiven for believing that there are few aspects of our lives not getting worse: the globe is warm ing, population is growing, ozone is dissi pating, trash is piling up, deserts are ex panding, forests are disappearing, toxic wastes are flowing, and more. Yet, in the main these claims are false. Genuine envi ronmental problems exist, of course, but the world is not in crisis. To the contrary, reports Eco-Sanity: (1)' 'Most Americans today live in an environment that is cleaner than it was at any time in the past half century, " and (2) "The environment in the U.S. today is safer than it has been at any time in recorded history." The bulk of the book is dedicated to proving the truth of these two propositions.

For instance, various major air pollutants fell between 24 percent and 94 percent from 1975 to 1990. Total emissions of these pol lutants were 12.6percent lower in 1990 than in 1940. Similarly, water in America has become cleaner over the last two decades. U.S. rivers like the Mississippi are less polluted than major waterways in Britain, France, and Germany. Food supplies are safe and abundant. Timber growth has ex ceeded harvests every year since 1952; to day's annual increase is treble the level of 1920. Waste disposal technologies are safe and potential landfillcapacity is vast. Global oil reserves are climbing. In short, there's a lot of good news to celebrate. Not that the authors are Pollyannas. There is still work to do-particularly to combat perverse government policies, such as below-cost sales of timber from federal land. But, as Eco-Sanity demonstrates, Americans' "hard work and major invest ments of tax dollars have purchased a cleaner environment for them and their children. ' , Despite the obvious good news about these more traditional areas of environmen tal concern, however, people still face a raft of frightening predictions involving new is sues. Eco-Sanity patiently debunks the mul titude of impending disasters with which we are supposedly threatened. This section alone makes the book worth reading, since it demonstrates how radical environmental ists have regularly twisted data and made wild extrapolations to demonstrate that the world is about to end ... unless the gov ernment is immediately invested with huge new powers to regulate, tax, and spend.

Eco-S anity performs critiques of a num ber of issues: global warming, ozone deple tion, acid rain, deforestation, pesticides, resource depletion, population, electromag netic fields, toxic wastes, and more. The authors' discussions are always concise, objective, persuasive, and readable, and should do much to help educate a public that has until now proved far too vulnerable to shameless scare-mongering. After debunking the worst of environmen talist propaganda, the authors offer a primer on clear thinking about the environment and a detailed "common-sense agenda" for dealing with the major environmental prob lems that continue to face us. Were their 193 ideas turned into law we would be likely to see far better environmental protection at far less cost. For this reason, their thought ful approach should appeal to any environ mentalist who does not put ideology before conservation, who is committed to achiev ing a reasonable balance between economic prosperity, individual liberty, and environ mental protection.

"Eco-sanity means applying reason, sound science, and a respect for the rights of others to environmental issues," write Joseph Bast, P.J. Hill, and Richard Rue. Unfortunately, reason, sound science, and respect have long been lacking in the envi ronmental debate. But Eco-Sanity may be the book to help transform the national debate. It is a critically important work and deserves the sort of attention heretofore reserved for the latest alarmist screed. D Mr. Bandow is a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute and the author ofThe Politics of Envy: Statism as Theology (Transaction Publishers). No Turning Back: Dismantling the Fantasies of Environmental Thinking by Wallace Kaufman Basic Books • 1994 • 212 pages • $25.00 Reviewed by Lance Lamberton W allace Kaufman courageously chal lenges the environmentalist establish ment in his compelling and persuasive book, No Turning Back. Kaufman's credibility in taking on that establishment is founded on his having worked for 30 years for that very establishment, as president of two state level environmental groups and lobbyist for the Wilderness Society.

The principal virtue of No Turning Back is the way in which it organizes and presents its arguments. It is what I would call an effective "outreach book" that will appeal to and inspire non-ideological men and women in business who are generally too busy going about the day-to-day task of producing goods and services to focus on 194 THE FREEMAN • MARCH 1995 why they are the target of environmental activists. Moreover, these same people feel vaguely guilty that what they are doing is somehow wrong. No Turning Back gives them the intellectual ammunition to shed the guilt, and leaves them with hope that the inevitable march of science and technology willeventually triumph over the Luddites of the nineties. While No Turning Back is primarily a restatement of free market applications to environmental issues, its discussion of the roots of environmentalism and the emer gence of scientific ecology and the property rights movement does provide some fresh insights.

The idea that nature is sacred was a reaction to the ability of science to reveal the secrets of nature and strip away its mystery and power over mankind. Most prominent among the Enlightenment reactionaries was Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who claimed that primitive peoples always led the happiest lives. Rousseau's vision of "paradise lost" found its way to America by way of England through the English Romantics. From this foundation emerged Henry David Thoreau, who became the godfather of the American environmental movement, calling for a re turn to communal harmony, as if such a thing ever existed. Fortunately, his ideas were not taken up on a large scale in nineteenth-century America, with its drive to settle a continent and create a level of prosperity unimaginable to previous gener ations. That was to change in the twentieth cen tury, when the traumatic events of World War I and the Great Depression planted the seeds of command-and-control economics, which took root and eventually found their most fertile soil in the environmental move ment of the sixties.

However, in culture, as in physics, every action has a reaction. Kaufman points out that the reaction to "command and control" environmentalism is manifesting itself with the emergence of scientific ecology and the property rights movement. Scientific ecol ogy challenges the most cherished assumption of environmentalists: that nature exists in perfect balance except when upset by man's intervention. On the contrary, the new ecologists say that nature's preference is not for balance, but for change. All of nature's creatures have been living on a planet· where changes are unpredict able, swift, and devastating. The challenge, then, is not whether to protect or destroy the environment, but rather how to protect the environment and achieve economic growth. Critical to meeting this challenge is under standing and accepting the premise of ecol ogists that changing the environment for man's use does not entail environmental disaster. On the contrary, it recognizes man as a responsible steward. While this per spective has been extensively researched and chronicled in the scientific literature, rarely has it been brought forth in popular writings. Kaufman is to be applauded for doing so in No Turning Back.

Finally, Kaufman provides a fresh discus sion of the nascent property rights move ment. One of the most cherished ideals in American society is the right to own and use property. When the Endangered Species Act prevents, for example, an owner from selling38 acres of land because a pair of bald eagles have nested on it, it is not surprising that landowners rise up to say enough is enough. Now, at long last, the courts are beginning to recognize these rights, and have begun enforcing the takings clause of the Constitution, which requires govern ment to compensate landowners for prop erty where their laws prohibit development. Kaufman envisions a future where prop erty rights are recognized, scientific princi ples are applied to public policy, and tech nologicaladvances address the dual societal requirements of environmental stewardship and economic growth. If such a confluence of changes were to occur, it would relegate today's environmental movement to the dustbin of history. I just hope I live long enough to see it. D Mr. Lamberton is the Public Affairs Director for a cable operator in Texas, and theformer Deputy Director of the White House Office of Policy Information under President Reagan.

The Spirit of Freedom: Essays in American History edited by Burton W. Folsom, Jr. The Foundation for Economic Education. 1994 • 212 pages. $14.95 paperback Reviewed by Wesley Allen Riddle D r. Burt Folsom, Professor of History at Murray State University in Kentucky, has compiled a collection of essays previ ously published in The Freeman between 1961 and 1992. The 23 essays relating to various themes in American history are authored by 21 different university profes sors and other professionals. The Spirit of Freedom: Essays in American History is an excellent addition to American historiogra phy and a welcome contribution to anew, emerging consensus about America's past. Through this book, FEE reinvigorates seri ous study ofpolitical economy, a term rarely entertained of late on American campuses .. The Spirit of Freedom also challenges some Marxist and New Deal revisionism, which is largely responsible for the dimin ished lexicon in American academia, as well as for a generation of young Americans who cannot name the Father of their Constitu tion. Much in the way of liberal ideological bent has found its way into historical liter ature and distorted objective assessment and contextual understanding of American history. Policy decisions have even come to hinge on such disinformation and error. It is because assumptions about the nature of American institutions and interpretations concerning the factual historical record are so crucial that FEE has become a leading foundation for American history education.

The Spirit of Freedom is suitable for course work by college undergraduates, advanced high school students, and home schoolers. The collection is edited to high academic standards and is both well end noted and indexed. While one is tempted to label the collection according to the Consensus or Neo-Whig schools of history, it defies easy categorization. Rather, the book is refreshingly free of parametrical BOOKS 195 confines and looks at history in a number of creative ways, both old and new. The Spirit ofFreedom contains four sub sections: (1) Origins of Freedom; (2) Tri umph of Freedom; (3) Obstacles to Free dom; and (4) Overcoming the Obstacles. The first section covers America's founding era from 1620 to circa 1830, with excellent essays on New England and Middle Colony groups; a comparative history essay on the American and French Revolutions; an ex amination of George Washington's thoughts concerning the political dialectic of liberty and order; and a wonderful primary source account on public assistance, written by Davy Crockett. One essay on the Pilgrims is intriguing to those interested in intellectual history, in that it traces American libertarian tradition to the Dutch, as opposed to the English. Another essay on Pilgrims devel ops little known details about socialist land use experiments in the early years of Ply mouth Colony.

Part Two picks up in 1869 and includes events to circa 1960. The third section traces J.contrary historical trends along a chronological path from 1911. The real strength of this book may be the articles in these two sections. Major essays radically rein terpret liberal historical consensus about the Gilded Age, Progressive Era, and New Deal. One essay convincingly re-examines the monopolistic, greedy, and exploit~tive reputation of so-called Robber Barons. Dr. Hans Sennholz dissects the· Great Depres sion with clarity and insight, proving it to be four consecutive depressions, compounded and prolonged by ill-advised government financial policies from Coolidge to Roosevelt. Essays also introduce important developments in science and technology, as well as in business, economics, and govern ment. The concluding section offers three short contemporary examples of American suc cess, as well as tentative lessons derived from history. Indeed, the whole book im plicitly supports a kind of faith that history does contain positive instruction for present condition and future promise. Having said that, The Spirit ofFreedom does not posit an 196 THE FREEMAN • MARCH 1995 American Utopia that fell from grace. It does, however, purport to isolate and ex plain certain characteristics that were and are responsible for America's unparalleled material prosperity and social and political stability (if not always harmony).

After all, America is the oldest fundamen tally unchanged government in the history of the world; no nation has reunited so completely after a terrible civil war; diverse peoples live neither as peaceably nor on as equal terms anywhere else. The presump tion is that some things are therefore unique about America, that much is right about America, and that much of what is right constitutes an exceptional identity among nations. The Spirit of Freedom is a depar ture from some modern historiography, which de-emphasizes American exception alism and American achievements. More over, the book reverses a trend in history away from biography, as if people no longer mattered. The Spirit ofFreedom portrays a number of famous and lesser-known personages real people in real situations, with real effects which ensue. In a society that lan guishes from want of good role models, The Spirit ofFreedom reminds us that history is replete with them. The essays contain sig nificant cameos of William Penn, John D.

Rockefeller, John Arbuckle, James Duke, Edwin Armstrong, Cornelius Vanderbilt, Henry Flagler, Sam Walton, and Frank Perdue, as well as interesting biographical information on a host of other characters. Dr. Folsom and FEE are to be com mended for this valuable collection of es says. The Spirit of Freedom corrects many historiographical distortions, without being doctrinaire or unsophisticated. Indeed, those who prize both scholarship and truth willfindthis anthology gratifying and useful. Many current and future policy proponents are, in the words of one essay, "oblivious to both economics and history." The edu cation crisis in the country has produced a situation about which Santayana's dictum connotes some urgency, since ignorance of the past has never once proven to pardon a people's mistakes. The book is a pleasure and an education to read. It is also a good guide for those who seek and find wisdom through history-sapientia per historiam. D Wesley Allen Riddle teaches American History at the u.s. Military Academy, West Point.

Public Goods and Private Communities: The Market Provision of Social Services by Fred Foldvary Edward Elgar Publishing. 1994 • 288 pages. $59.95 Reviewed by Roy E. Cordato T he primary purpose of academic pro grams in urban economics is to train central planners. Traditionally college courses in state and local public finance and urban economics have rationalized every thing that local governments do, while in voking elaborate formulations about how these governments might do what they do more "efficiently." Dr. Fred Foldvary's new book, Public Goods and Private Com munities, turns the standard model of urban economics and local public finance on its head. He first argues that the economic theory of public goods, which supposedly "justifies" government provision of many goods and services, is irreparably flawed. He then argues that most if not all of the services that local governments provide can be, and are, provided more efficiently through private contractual arrangements.

Courses in public finance all begin by discussing the theory of "public goods." Basically a good or service is said to have "public" characteristics if private produc ers cannot capture all of the benefits asso ciated with its consumption. The idea is that once such a good is produced people can enjoy the benefits that it provides without having to pay for them. Consequently, it is argued that public goods will either be "underproduced" in the free market or not produced at all. The government therefore should either subsidize their production or simply produce these goods or services and pay for them through taxation. As an example Dr. Foldvary uses the building of a dam that would provide flood prevention services to a community. It is easy to see how once the dam is produced, anyone living in the area would automati cally receive the flood prevention benefits whether or not they pay for them. This is the so-called free rider problem. Public goods theory argues that people will not voluntarily pay for such services and the private sector would have no incentive to undertake projects like the dam. Other fre quently cited examples of public goods in clude roads, parks, police and fire protec tion, national defense, and education. The theory of public goods allegedly provides the economic justification for extensive gov ernment involvement in these and many other areas.

Foldvary attacks the standard theory of public goods from several perspectives. Drawing on arguments made by "public choice" economists, he points out that there is no reason to expect the government to succeed where the market has supposedly failed. Once the political process, domi nated by special interests and the self interest of politicians and bureaucrats, is analyzed, the economic efficiencyjustifica tion for government provision of "public goods" falls apart. There is no reason to favor the results of the political process, even over the caricatured results of the free market that are described in the theory of public goods. Even on its own terms, the policy conclusion of public goods theory simply substitutes government failure for "market failure." Foldvary also argues that public goods theory starts with faulty assumptions about the real world-namely that people live atomistically rather than in geographically defined communities and that public goods must be provided in isolation from private goods. His analysis challenges these as sumptions. More realistically, he assumes that people live in communities where so cietal pressures can be brought to bear on BOOKS 197 would-be free riders and that the provision of public goods can be "tied" to the provi sion of private and excludable goods.

Foldvary argues that there is no reason to expect that public goods will not get pro duced through private contractual arrange ments. Drawing on the works of" Austrian" and "constitutional" economists such as F. A. Hayek, James Buchanan, and Richard Wagner, Foldvary advances an economic theory that explains what is observed in real world communities around the country, i.e., the private provision of public goods and services. It is a phenomenon observed in private neighborhood associations, planned communities, apartment complexes, condo minium associations, and even shopping malls and amusement parks. All of these represent communities, Le., voluntary so cial arrangements, of one form or another. They also require as a condition of mem bership (to invoke the analogy of a club) the purchase of a bundle of public and private goods. For example one might buy into a condominium association because he wants the private services of having his lawn mowed or the use of tennis courts. But these services are typically "tied" to the provi sion of other more "public" goods and services such as the provision and mainte nance of roads or police protection, Le., security guards.

Foldvary illustrates his theory with a number of case studies. He examines sev eral institutional arrangements that have successfully dealt with public goods and free-rider problems. These include Walt Disney World in Orlando, Florida; the com munity of Arden in Delaware, where build ings are privately owned but all land is owned by a private trust that charges rent and provides public services (founded in 1900by followers of Henry George); the Ft. Ellsworth Condominium Association in Al exandria, Va.; and the massive "planned" contractual community of Reston, Virginia. Foldvary's book also provides a valuable explanation of why private communities that collect fees for the privilege of living there aren't the same as governments. He gives some convincing reasons. First, such 198 THE FREEMAN • MARCH 1995 communities are based on an explicit con tractual arrangement. All the standard laws of contract apply, including the right to sue because of breach of contract. Second, the powers of the neighborhood association are limited to those specified in the contractual arrangement. Third, the community associ ation does not have the power to redistribute wealth, which is a standard use of tax reve nues. Lastly, decision-makingpower within the contractual arrangement is typically held by property owners only. As Foldvary points out, under government democracies prop erty owners typically "have no more voting power than other residents. "

Fred Foldvary has made a valuable con tribution to the economic literature on pub lic goods and public finance. If it is fully appreciated by the economics profession it could revolutionize and dramatically im prove the study of urban economics specif ically and public economics in general. Un fortunately it is not in the interest of individual economists to buck the system as it currently exists. In this sense maybe Dr. Foldvary's book, itself, should be the sub ject of some public goods analysis. D Dr. Cordato is Lundy Professor of Business Philosophy at Campbell University, Buies Creek, North Carolina. Systems of Survival: A Dialogue on the Moral Foundations of Commerce and Politics by Jane Jacobs New York: Vintage Books. 1993 • 236 pages. $12.00 Reviewed by Peter J. Boettke E ver wonder what it would have been like to sit in on a conversation with Ludwig von Mises, Henry Hazlitt, and Leonard Read? Sitting in the backyard at FEE's compound in Irvington or around the library table, they must have engaged in the give and-take of good conversation many a time.

For perhaps an even more animated dia logue, imagine yourself in old Vienna, in one of the famous coffee houses. Mises is on one side of the table, and his old classmate and friend Otto Bauer, the famous Austro Marxist, is on the other side. Mises counters Bauer's insistence that the forces of history are on the side of Marxism. Mises' challenge is straightforward-and devastating in its logic: the Marxist project of simultaneously abolishing private ownership in the means of production and rationalizing production is impossible. Without private ownership, economic planners will not be able to ratio nally calculate the best use of scarce capital resources. Mises' challenge shook the foundation of the Marxist sense of destiny. Marxism was not the way to the future, but rather a path that would only lead to political and eco nomic barbarism. Bauer, we are told in Mises's autobiographical essay, Notes and Recollections, never recovered from their conversations and their friendship eventu ally cooled.

There is something about good conversa tion concerned with fundamental issues that entices, frustrates, and teaches us so much. It is also something that eludes most of us in our daily lives. We have known the teaching power of dialogue ever since Socrates. If we cannot partake in the art of good con versation, then the opportunity to be a "fly on the wall" offers the next best alternative. In Jane Jacobs' Systems of Survival, she invites us into a dialogue among a group of New York intellectuals who all share some connection to the same New York publisher. Jacobs, as many of you know, is perhaps the last great public intellectual of this century. Fiercely independent, Jacobs blazed a trail in the analysis of cities. In Systems ofSurvival, she turns her skills to analyzing the moral "syndromes" (as she terms them)that gov ern our life. She does not disappoint. Systems of Survival is well-written and well-argued. Moreover, it is amazingly rad ical in terms of its outright support for the moral superiority of the commercial syn drome throughout most of the book. Almost echoing Ayn Rand, Jacobs' character Kate (a young professor) states that we have at our disposal only two ways to acquire re sources-we can either voluntarily trade or we forcefully take. It is that simple.

Moral Syndrome B shun trading exert prowess be obedient and disciplined adhere to tradition respect hierarchy be loyal take vengeance deceive for the sake of the task make rich use of leisure be ostentatious dispense largesse be exclusive show fortitude be fatalistic treasure honor Jacobs' conversation gets started when Armbruster (a retired book publisher) in vites five others tojoin himin an exploration of the breakdown of honesty in society: Jasper (a successful novelist), Kate, Ben (an environmentalist), Quincy (a successful banker), and Hortense (Armbruster's niece and a successful lawyer). Kate takes the challenge to explore the moral foundations of social interaction to get the group started. She concludes from her study that there are two syndromes that are characterized by the following: Moral Syndrome A shun force voluntary agreement be honest collaborate compete respect contracts use initiative and enterprise open to inventiveness and novelty be efficient promote comfort and convenience dissent for the sake of the task invest for productive purposes be industrious be thrifty be optimistic Much of the remainder of the book is an extended argument amongst the group on the implications of Kate's" discovery. " The book contains a very subtle argument con cerning the tension between moral syn drome A (commercial) and moral syndrome B (guardian). The guardian syndrome is the source of much of the stagnation and op pression in the world. However, it is also essential in some areas. Without a proper guardian infrastructure, for example, the commercial moral syndrome could be threatened. Jacobs, though, realizes that commercial life has ways to "police" it self-the discipline of repeated dealings or the historical development of commercial contract law outside of official state chan nels (such as the law merchant). Jacobs is particularly sharp in her analysis of hybrids BOOKS 199 of the commercial and guardian syn dromes-such as the mafia and the state socialistsystems of the former Eastern Bloc.

Ben, the environmental activist and au thor, is often the "leftist" foil of the book. But Jacobs is too good a writer and story teller to turn Ben into a wooden caricature. Her characters appear real. Kate preaches too much, but this doesn't distract from the power of her argument. This is human conversation with all its frailties and foi bles-and its wonderment. Jacobs uses the vehicle of the dialogue masterfully. One thing Jacobs is looking for in her search of moral systems is cosmopolitan ism. Which syndrome encourages cosmo politan tolerance of alternative lifestyles, beliefs, races, etc.? Her connection of cos mopolitanism and commercial life reminds one of Mises' statements in Liberalism or Nock's in his wonderful essay "On Doing the Right Thing." This is something many on the conservative right in America simply don't understand. Tolerance does not mean acceptance, but it does mean openness to new ideas and cultures, a willingness to live and let live, and, as Jacobs listed in her syndromes, it values "dissent for the sake of the task." Commercial life flourishes within an environment that is characterized by liberal tolerance and cosmopolitan virtue, but not within an environment of provincial values bound by tradition. Provincialism can exist within cosmopolitanism, but whenever traditional values assert superior ity over cosmopolitanism, innovation is sti fled and commercial life stagnates. Liberal ism is the only social philosophy that can constrain guardianship within its appropri ate limits and unleash the productive and progressive force of commerce.

Jane Jacobs' System of Survival is a wonderful little book. Easy reading, yet profound in implications, this book should be on the reading list of anyone concerned with the moral foundations of society. Free man readers especially will find much of value in this book. It is highlyrecommended to all. D Dr. Boettke teaches economics at New York University.

Former Congressman Ron PauI The situation is alarming, but there is some good news about higher education in America. One college-The CSW Freedom Schoolis swimming strongly against the academic tide toward socialism. If you are an adult concerned about the future of higher education in America, or if you are a student looking for a solid education, you will want to participate in building The CSW Freedom School. Please call or write us today for more information. The CSW Freedom School College of the Southwest 6610 lovington Highway Hobbs, New Mexico 88240 Founded in 1962, College of the Southwest is a private, independent four-year liberal arts college based on Christian ideas and principles. College of the Southwest neither seeks nor accepts state or federal financing. It relies entirely on fees paid by students and gifts from those who understand and agree with its philosophy of education. The CSW Freedom School is a new and innovative program of classroom instruction, reading, lectures, conferences, and publ ications designed to produce free, humane, and civilized individuals.

"The Freedom School is based upon an idea whose time has surely come. If men are to be free in any society and under any government, that freedom must be solidly based on enduring foundations. In identifying and setting forth these foundations, as well as teaching them to those willing to learn, The Freedom School is set on the right course." Dr. Clarence Carson Bestselling author and educator "To study the laws in nature and revelation, and to induce young minds to abide by these laws-that is the primary task of education. It is the great mission of The CSW Freedom School." Dr. Hans F. Sennholz President, FEE "The CSW Freedom School is unique in its effort to rethink higher education and offers a new generation of Americans the intellectual tools needed to restore American greatness." The press is filled with horror stories about higher education in America: college teachers and textbooks that attack Western civilization, administrators who enforce "politically correct"

views, and college courses that have no intellectual or spiritual value. Please send me more information about The Freedom School. Name _ Address --:- _ 204 210 215 221 223 225 227 231 235 241 244 247 250 254 Center 219 229 260 202 240 262 THEF IDEASON LIBERTY FEATURES How Gold Was Money-How Gold Could Be Money Again by Richard H. Timberlake Putting gold in the hands of individuals. The Forgotten Private Banker by Richard Sylla An overlooked chapter in American financial history. The Failure of Central Banking in Developing Countries by Kurt Schuler Weakened barriers against political pressures for inflation. The Prejudice Against Midnight Dishwashing by Ralph R. Reiland Misplaced compassion and erroneous economic reasoning demonize productive businessmen. First-Class Mail, Third-Class Competition by Robert A. Collinge and Ronald M. Ayers Challenging the postal monopoly. Freedom, Legislation, and Disabilities by James Rolph Edwards The harmful effects of the Americans with Disabilities Act.