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Chapter 105 of 228 · The Freeman 1995 by Foundation for Economic Education

Richard Cobden's Triumphant Crusade for Free Trade and Peace

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reduced the danger of war more than any public policy ever had. In all this, one name towers above the rest: Richard Cobden, the straight-talking English textile entrepreneur who gave up his business to crusade during three crucial decades. He pursued the most successful political strategies for free trade. He artic ulated the moral case which proved deci sive. His inspired speeches attracted thou sands of people at a time and raised plenty of money. He traveled throughout Europe, the United States , North Mrica, and the Near East, spreading the gospel offree trade to kings and commoners alike. "He had no striking physical gifts," noted his principal biographer John Morley. "In his early days, he was slight in frame and build. He afterwards grew nearer to portli ness. He had a large and powerful head, and the indescribable charm of a candid eye. His features were not of a commanding type; but they were illuminated and made attractive by the brightness of intelligence, of sympa thy, and of earnestness. About the mouth there was a curiously winning mobility and play. His voice was clear, varied in its tones, sweet, and penetrating; but it had scarcely the compass, or the depth, or the many resources that have usually been found in orators who have drawn great multitudes of 384 men to listen to them. Of nervous fire, indeed, he had abundance, though it was not the fire which flames up in the radiant colors of a strong imagination. It was rather the glow of a thoroughly convinced reason, of intellectual ingenuity, of argumentative keenness. It came from transparent hon esty, thoroughly clear ideas, and a very definite purpose."

Cobden was born June 3, 1804,the fourth of 11 children, near Heyshott, Sussex, Eng land. His father, William Cobden, was ap parently an inept farmer, and he and his wife, Millicent Amber, proved unable to avoid bankruptcy. In 1819, Richard started working as a clerk at his uncle's textile warehouse, and he regularly sent money home. He became a traveling salesman, and a dozen years later launched his own textile warehouse business, specializing in calicos and muslins. In 1833, Cobden made his first overseas business trip-to Paris. The next year, he traveled to France and Switzerland. Two years later, he spent more than a month in the eastern United States, very much im pressed by the American spirit of enterprise. Soon afterwards, he traveled through Spain and the Mediterranean, observing how all kinds of people cooperate peacefully in markets. Meanwhile, there was a growing political movement for free trade. The most obnox ious trade barriers were tariffs on "corn," as the English referred to grain. Such tariffs amounted to taxes on bread, a primary food for millions of poor people. In 1836, the Anti-Corn-Law Association was formed.

Although its founders presented a strong logical case for free trade, they didn't get anywhere. In 1836 or 1837, Cobden was asked by a man named John Bright to give a talk on education, and the two hit it off. Bright, born on November 16, 1811, was the son of a Rochdale cotton spinner. Like Cobden, his formal education ended with grammar school, but he pursued his love for English literature. As a Quaker whose ancestors had been imprisoned for their Nonconformist (non-Church of England) views, Bright de385 veloped a moral fervor about current affairs. He honed his speaking abilities in public squares, church meetings, and other gath erings. The Anti-CornLaw Movement Cobden and Bright helped focus free trad ers on three principal issues. First, they set an inspiring, radical objective-repealing the corn laws. Cobden convinced all sup porters that every shilling of tariff inflicted misery on people. Modifying the tariffs, a position favored by compromise-minded chamber of commerce people, was out.

Second, free trade would capture the imagination of people if it became a moral issue. "It appears to me," Cobden wrote an Edinburgh publisher, "that a moral and even a religious spirit may be infused into that topic [free trade], and if agitated in the same manner that the question of slavery has been, it will be irresistible." Third, success would require a national campaign coordinating anti-corn-Iaw asso ciations throughout England-the mission of the Anti-Corn-Law League, launched in March 1839. This, in tum, called for vigor ous fundraising. Cobden made arrange ments to turn his calico printing and mar keting business over to his partners. Cobden hammered the corn laws for mak ingpeople miserable. "He knew of a place, " noted biographer Morley, "where a hun dred wedding-rings had been pawned in a singleweek to provide bread; and of another place where men and women subsisted on boiled nettles, and dug up the decayed car cass of a cow rather than perish of hunger. "

Increasingly, Cobden and Bright ap peared together on the same platform, and they achieved far greater impact than either could alone. "Cobden always spoke first," explained Bright biographer George Macaulay Trevelyan, "disarming prejudice and exposing with clear economic argu ments set off in homely illustration the wrongs that farmers and labourers, or man ufacturers and operatives, suffered through the working of Protection. When the audi ence had thus been brought round into a 386 THE FREEMAN • JUNE 1995 sympathetic state of mind, then-to use Bright's own words-'I used to get up and do a little prize-fighting.' ... his character istic and vital contribution was the passion with which he reinforced reason, and the high tone of moral indignation and defiance which he infused into his listeners. And this was exactly where Cobden, the persuader, was necessarily weakest. Each supplied the defects of the other's qualities. The known friendship between them, the utter absence of rivalry and self-interest, the apostolic fervor that made these missionar ies so unlike the common Whig and Tory pOlitician. . . ." Cobden and Bright were on the road almost non-stop, often attract ing crowds which numbered in the thou sands.

While the free trade campaign was still a long way from its climax, Cobden married. His bride was Catherine Anne Williams, a charming Welsh woman who was one of his sister's friends. They went on a honeymoon through France, Switzerland, and Germa ny-the last time they saw much of each other in quite a while, as it turned out. Cobden concluded he wasn't likely to succeed if he were only an outside agitator. He had to work within Parliament, too. After an unsuccessful bid, Cobden won an election in 1841. He exerted considerable influence because of his speaking ability and popular influence outside Parliament. On September 10, 1841, Bright's wife, Elizabeth, died of tuberculosis. They had been married less than two years, and he was devastated. Three days later, his part nerwas by his side. "Mr. Cobden," recalled Bright, "called upon me as his friend, and addressed me, as you might suppose, with words of condolence. After a time he looked up and said, 'There are thousands of houses in England at this moment where wives, mothers, and children are dying of hunger.

Now,' he' said, 'when the first paroxysm of your grief is past, I would advise you to come with me, and we will never rest till the Corn Law is repealed.' I felt in my conscience that there was a work which somebody must do, and therefore I accepted his invitation, and from that time we never ceased to labour hard on behalf of the resolution which we had made." By September 1845, as torrential rains swept across the British Isles, Cobden told Bright that he was worn out. They had been on the road almost non-stop for more than five years, addressing large crowds night after night. He wanted to quit. Bright re plied: "your retirement would be tanta mount to a dissolution of the League; its mainspring would be gone. I can in no degree take your place. As a second I can fight; but there are incapacities about me, of which I am fully conscious, which prevent my being more than second in such work as we have laboured in."

Meanwhile, rains continued, accelerating the spread of a potato blight which had recently ruined crops in the United States, Holland, and France. Signs of the blight appeared in England. Informed people wor ried about what might be going on in mis erable Ireland where nearly everyone de pended on potatoes to survive. Except for northeastern Ulster, Ireland had never gone through an industrial revolution, and Irish peasants were believed to be the poorest in Europe-even worse off than American black slaves. Millions of Irish peasants lived in mud huts without a scrap of furniture. Well, the potato crop rotted everywhere. Peasants began dying from famine and re lated epidemics of typhus, cholera, and other diseases. Eventually, over a million Irish perished, and hundreds of thousands more emigrated. Tory Prime Minister Robert Peel reluc tantly concluded that the only immediate solution was to abolish the corn laws and let starving Irish buy cheap imported food even though this was likely to trigger a Tory rebellion which would end his political ca reer. Peel announced his bill for total repeal of the corn laws, phased over a three-year period. It became law on June 26, 1846. He was ousted three days later.

Liberalized Trade Repeal of the corn laws was just the beginning of trade liberalization. During the RICHARD COBDEN'S TRIUMPHANT CRUSADE 387 next three decades, England reduced the number of dutiable imports from 1,152 to 48-remaining items were mostly luxury items with low duties. Although European countries retained their prohibitive tariffs, England prospered. Cheap food poured into the country, and workers shifted out of agriculture into man ufacturing. Then as other countries indus trialized, many workers shifted into ser vices. England became the unquestioned leader of world shipping, commerce, insur ance, and finance. From 1846 until the outbreak of World War I, England's indus trial output soared 290 pe~cent. Imports were up 701 percent, and exports 673 per cent. Money wages in England increased about 59 percent for agricultural workers, 61 percent for industrial workers. Cobden and his family spent a month resting in Wales, then toured Europe. "His reception," reported biographer Morley, "was everywhere that of a great discoverer in a science which interests the bulk of mankind much more keenly than any other, the science of wealth. He had persuaded the richest country in the world to revolutionize its commercial policy. People looked on him as a man who had found out a momentous secret. "

Travel affirmed Cobden's humane, cos mopolitan world view. "I am not one who likes to laud the Anglo-Saxon race as being superior to all others in every quality," he wrote a friend, "for when we remember that we owe our religion to Asiatics, our litera ture, architecture, and fine arts greatly to the Greeks, our numeral signs to the Arabs, our civilization to the inhabitants of Italy, and much of our physical sciences and mechan ical inventions to the Germans; when we recollect these things it ought to make us moderate in our exclusive pretensions." The CrimeanWar Soon after his return to England, Cobden was drawn back into public policy debates by the appointment of belligerent Lord Palmerston to the Foreign Office. In 1854, Palmers ton plunged England into the Crimean War, purportedly to maintain the balance of power by saving the corrupt Turkish empire from grasping Russia which had just ravaged Hungary. Cobden and Bright stood virtually alone for noninter vention-and for setting England's colonies free. During the next parliamentary elec tions, in 1857, both were defeated.

The two-year war turned out to be a pointless bloodbath which cost the lives of some 25,000 English soldiers. It tarnished the reputation of generals and the prestige of England. The only star to emerge was Flo rence Nightingale. She organized efficient nursing services which dramatically re duced the death rate among wounded sol diers. Her valiant work inspired the Red Cross movement. For several decades, English foreign pol icy returned to nonintervention as Cobden and Bright had advocated. England stayed out of the Franco-Austrian War, the Amer ican Civil War, the Danish War, the Franco German War, and later wars between Tur key and Russia. By 1859, both Cobden and Bright had been reelected to Parliament. On July 21, 1859, Bright gave a speech in which he suggested that England could cut its military spending-much of which was to protect against a possible attack from France-and that both countries should lib eralize their trade restrictions to help pro mote peace. Inspired by this idea, French government trade adviser Michel Chevalier urged Cobden to try converting the French emperor Louis Napoleon, since Cobden had been so successful converting England to free trade. Cobden consulted with English government officials and negotiated a com mercial treaty which provided that England would end its tariffs on French goods and cut its tariffs on French wines 85 percent.

France would convert its import bans to tariffs which would be reduced to less than 25 percent within five years. The initial term of the treaty would be for 10 years. By January 23, 1860, the treaty was signed by Louis Napoleon as he invoked his executive powers. Despite stubborn Tory opposition, Parliament approved the treaty. It had a dynamic impact. Between 1862 388 THE FREEMAN • JUNE 1995 and 1866, the French negotiated trade lib eralization treaties with the Zollverein (Ger man customs union), Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Norway, Papal States, and North German commercial cities. Most of these, in turn, liberalized trade with each other. Trade restrictions were reduced or elimi nated on international waterways such as the Baltic and North Sea channel (1857), Danube (1857), Rhine (1861), ScheIdt (1863), and Elbe (1870). Even Russia low ered tariffs somewhat, in 1857 and 1868.

Because each treaty observed the "most favored nation" principle, it liberalized trade not only for the signatory nations, but for everyone else as well. Never before in European history had people been able to go about their daily business so freely. On one occasion during his last years, Announcing . .. Cobden strolled with a friend through St. Paul's Cathedral cemetery, burying ground for many of England's most famous heroes. The friend suggested Cobden might find an honored place there. Cobden replied: "I hope not. My spirit could not rest in peace among these men of war. No, no, cathedrals are not meant to contain the remains of such men as Bright and me." Approaching his 61st birthday, Cobden suffered serious asthma attacks. Breathing became a deadly struggle. In a London lodging house, where he went to relax near the House of Commons, he died on Sunday, April 2, 1865. John Bright was among those by his side. "I have only to say that after twenty years of most intimate and almost brotherly friendship," Bright mourned, "I little knew how much I loved him until I had lost him." D LEVIATHAN AT WAR Edited by Edmund A. Opitz A Freeman Classics Book "Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace! but there is no peace," Patrick Henry lamented in his most famous speech.

But why? If everyone agrees that war is an evil to be avoided at almost any cost, why does the scourge of war continue in our time, unabated? Why is our century the bloodiest in history? In this landmark collection, Edmund A. Opitz, renowned author and scholar, has drawn together some of the finest writing ever to appear on the subjects of war and peace. Here, sixteen brilliant thinkers dissect the philosophical and economic causes of war; the conscription idea; the morality of combat; the relationship of war to free trade, individualism, and the welfare state; and the prerequisites of peace. Leviathan at War includes such great classic statements as Ayn Rand's "The Roots of War," Ludwig von Mises' "The Economics of War," Daniel Webster's prophetic speech, "Conscription," and Mark Twain's bitter and unforgettable "War Prayer." Other superb, insightful essays include Hans Sennholz's "Planning for Peace," Leonard Read's "Conscience on the Battlefield," Edmund Opitz's "Peace and World Government,"

Bettina Bien Greaves' "Why War?" and many more. This may be one of the most important books the Foundation for Economic Education has ever produced. It is must reading for teachers and students, for philosophers and policymakers - and for everyone concerned with the fate and future of his world. 196 pages, with index $14.95 paperback To order, call (800) 452-3518 THEFREEMAN IDEASON UBERTY IT It Ain't Broke Regulate It by Wayne T. Brough I n 1990 the Food and Drug Administra tion demanded the McCurdy Fish Co. of Lubec, Maine-the last U.S. smoked herring company in the industry-to change its production process to reduce the dangers of botulism. The changes proved to be too costly and John Mc Curdy closed his doors, laying off all 22 workers. The FDA's rule came after 20 years in business and 54 million fillets. Not one case of botulism was ever re ported against McCurdy and the FDA found no problems in their almost yearly inspections of McCurdy's fish.!

The Freeman 1995

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