FEE: A Lighthouse for Freedom; L. W. Reed

Ideas and Consequences by Lawrence W. Reed FEE: A Lighthouse for Freedom W hen G. K. Chesterton was asked why there were no statues in England to commemorate the influence there of the Romans, he answered, "Are we not all statues to the Romans?" In a very real way, statues to the Foundation for Economic Education are everywhere-in the form of people and institutions that seek to advance ideas nurtured for years by FEE when those ideas were not popular. Yes, ideas do indeed have consequenc es-more powerful and longlasting than ap pearances on the surface might suggest. FEE's work provides ample proof. I manage an influential organization in Michigan known as the Mackinac Center for Public Policy. Often termed a "think tank," we advance a distinctive "free market" perspective on arange of economic issues of concern to the people of our state. Starting with a staff of two and a budget of $80,000in 1988, the center now employs 14full-timeindividuals on abudget wellover a million dollars. Friend and foe alike fre quently acknowledge the great impact of our work and that of a growing number of similar organizations in other states. Weare changing the climate of public opinion, state by state, by the sheer force of persuasive argumentation.

Lawrence W. Reed, economist and author, is president of The Mackinac Center for Public Policy, a free market research and educational organization headquartered in Midland, Michi gan. In no small measure, the success of groups like the Mackinac Center can be linked to the inspiration of the Foundation for Economic Education. I am one of count less people who support or are associated with free-market organizations that trace their roots to FEE, The Freeman, and Leonard Read. Back in the days when FEE kept freedom's candle lit in a night of statist darkness, we were devouring whatever came forth from the venerable scholars in Irvington-on-Hudson. And what a cornuco pia it has been-articles, monographs, books, speeches, seminars-all that free dom's partisans on the cusp of ideological revolution could hope for from a single organization! FEE's work has been, and continues to be, of great importance to groups like mine precisely because of the uniqueness that has defined FEE since its inception. It does not lobby legislatures. It does not advise gov ernments on how to do their business more efficiently. It does not tinker at the margins of reform. Rather FEE's work is that of an intellectual lighthouse; it illuminates broad principles, focusing light on the ideal. The rest of us who work to change laws and policies fill in the blanks as freedom's light shines brightly over our shoulders.

Sam Staley, Vice President for Research at the highly acclaimed Buckeye Institute for Public Policy Solutions in Dayton, Ohio, cut his intellectual teeth on FEE's publica tions and seminars. He sees FEE's contri butions this way: 346 FEE was· one of the first organizationsthat developeda completeprogram around com~ . municatingthe concepts of classicalliberal ism-free markets, limitedgovernment,indi vidualrights,and respectfor civilliberties-to a non-academic audience. Its mission was broad: FEE didn't focu~ only on a small audience of academicsor inside-the-beltway policyinsiders.It publishedajournalthatused a principled, yet accessible style to widely disseminatethe ideasessentialto thefunction ing of a· free society. I am convinced that FEE's examplelaidimportantgroundworkfor the now burgeoningthink-tankmovementin the UnitedStates and abroad. The Mackinac Center in Michigan, the Buckeye Institute in Ohio, the Goldwater Institute in Arizona, and some two dozen other state-based organizations work daily to stimulate private initiatives and tear down barriers to progress erected by govern- .

ments. We are constantly tantalized by compromise and expediency. The tempta tion to get along with the politicians, to settle for something less than what's right, comes with the territory. Without a lighthouse like FEE to remind us of the noble and enduring principles that attracted us to this movement in the first place, we might degenerate into a gaggle of "better government" groups. The Higher Plane FEE and The Freeman remind us that there is a higher plane of human interaction than good intentions backed by the force of the state. That higher plane is the peaceful, voluntary context in which enlightened cit izens who respect life and property choose to associate. As for me, I find myself asking this question of almost everything my orga nization produces: "Does it meet the high est standards for advancing the cause of liberty?" Or as the late Leonard Read him self would ask, "Does it leak?"

Largely because the persona of FEE's founder, Leonard Read, is so firmly embed ded in the organization, FEE is more than a publisher of books and articles and a spon sor of seminars. It is an organization with a distinctive style, approach, attitude, and 347 demeanor, that freedom advocates find compellingly attractive. FEE champions ideas, not personalities. Once that is understood, new avenues for persuasion open up. The most fruitful way to advance liberty is rarely to assail the intelligence or the motives of those who believe another way. Focusing on ideas and appealing to reason are much less likely to provoke hostility. That approach, seasoned with patience and a smile, is avital ingre dient in FEE's recipe for winning minds and hearts for liberty. FEE promotes self-improvement in place of a condescending know-it-all attitude. If you want to be a missionary for liberty, to be vaguely familiar or generally sympathetic with the concept is not enough. Success at convincing others requires attention to the attractive qualities of a well-rounded indi vidual. Be as good as you can possibly be, Read used to say, and others will seek your tutelage.

I think I also absorbed from FEE a sense of eter:nal optimism. No matter the turn of events in the short term, people inspired by FEE's work almost always look to the future with great hope. I have never met a regular reader of The Freeman who de spaired or felt the urge to give up and "let history take its course. " The reasons for this are obvious: FEE believes that ideas rule the wofld and that individuals can indeed alter the course of events by influencing ideas. Moreover, FEE promotes the free dom idea in a fashion that appeals to the loftiest instincts and ideals humans possess, thereby inspiring devotees to carry forth the message. Lights go on, not out, when you read The Freeman or hear a lecture by a FEE speaker. The FEE recipe for advancing liberty lives on in the organization itself and in many others like mine. On this occasion of the Foundation's anniversary, many of us will be celebrating not only the last fifty years, but the next fifty as well. We know, beyond any shadow of doubt, with every assurance that success breeds success, that FEE's light will lead us to a freer tomorrow. D THEFREEMAN IDEASON UBERTY Leonard Read, the Founder and Builder by Mary Sennholz I n 1946, the eyes of most Americans were on the U.S. Congress debating full em ployment, higher minimum wages, ex tended social security benefits, price and rent controls, public housing projects, and government health insurance. Many Amer icans were eager to follow in the footsteps of the British Labour Party which, having won an overwhelming electoral victory, was busily nationalizing various industries and enacting a comprehensive Social Security system, including a national health service; but they did not dare call their aspirations "socialism," as the Labour Party openly proclaimed; instead, Americans called it just another deal, a "Fair Deal," which, in the years to come, was to have its essential parts enacted by both popular political par ties.