Book Reviews

BOOKS The Bamboo Network: How Expatriate Chinese Entrepreneurs Are Creating a New Economic Superpower in Asia by Murray Weidenbaum and Samuel Hughes Free Press. 1996 • 272 pages. $24.00 Reviewed by William H. Peterson A sharp turn in human events since the end of the Cold War is the emergence of a powerful new global economic force, one without fanfare, and in an unexpected place: Southeast Asia. The force is the "Bamboo Network." It's made up of rich entrepreneurial Chinese families in Greater China: booming Mainland China (population 1.2 billion with a land mass as big as Canada), Hong Kong, and Taiwan for the most part; and, in one degree or another, in nearby and similarly booming Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines. This Bamboo Network is quickly advancing from socialism or heavy state interventionism to a huge market economy, from degrees of totalitarianism to forms of limited republics with Mainland China and its strict one-party rule having the greatest way to go.

What is more, this late-blooming economic miracle, an unmatched recast of much of the Far East, is envisioned, financed, and led in great measure not by Japanese and Western investors but by those aforementioned wealthy, mainly overseas Chinese family in vestors and entrepreneurs. They bring to mind the earlier House of Rothschild phe nomenon of internationalization and multi plication of family fortunes. Ironically, most of these ethnic Chinese superinvestors, while removed from their an cestral home, are now closelyinvolvedwith its economic success as well as that of their newfound homes, despite some lingering local discrimination (Malays vs. Chinese, for 177 example). These superinvestors are the refu gees, or their children, who fled the Maoist communists in the 1940s. They have much to teach their Western counterparts who invest in that part of the world-or anywhere else. Such are the fascinating Weidenbaum Hughes findings. Murray Weidenbaum, Pres ident Reagan's first chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, holds the Mallinckrodt distinguished chair at Washington University in St. Louis, where he also serves as chair man of the University's Center for the Study of American Business. Samuel Hughes, a former Center fellow, is a St. Louis-based management consultant.

The authors supply fresh meaning to net working, noting "it is common for the father CEO stationed in Hong Kong or Bangkok or Singapore to send one son to Shanghai, another to Taipei, a son-in-law to Manila, and a nephew to Kuala Lumpur," so positioning them in the Bamboo Network for future senior leadership. (Nepotism doesn't extend as far for daughters.) Confucian culture explains a good deal of what's behind the dramatic rise of the Bam boo Network and its growing, pounding heart, Mainland China. The philosophy of Con fucius, who died in 479 B.C., has been the fare of Chinese students ever since. His values help explain the Bamboo Network's business success-values that include loyalty to the hierarchical structure of authority, a code of defined conduct between children and par ents and other adults, a work and quality ethic, a sense of ethnic responsibility, a dis dain for conspicuous consumption, conse quent high saving rates, a bent for focus, and a drive for entrepreneurship as a dynamic rivalrous process to combine land, labor, and capital into profitable, privately held enter prises that serve and are served.

Covered here then are the Charoen Pok phand Group of Thailand, the Li Ka-shing Group of Hong Kong, the Ong Beng Seng Group of Singapore (whose holdings include participation in Planet Hollywood, a movie theme restaurant chain co-owned by Arnold Schwarzenegger and Sylvester Stallone), the Y. C. Wang Group of Taiwan, the Salim Group of Indonesia, the Kuok Group of 178 THE FREEMAN • MARCH 1997 Malaysia, and the Henry Sy Group of the Philippines. (Henry Sy's teenage daughter was abducted and killed in 1993. The authors note that rich local Chinese offer tempting targets to Filipino criminal gangs.) The authors also note the Bamboo Net work has only partially checked bribery, lack of property rights protection, and enforce ment of contracts in the People's Republic of China. Intellectual property security, such as trademarks and copyrights, is regularly bro ken. Imitation Bausch & Lomb Ray Ban sunglasses are sold as "Ran Bans," for in stance. Lux brand soap in the same colored wrapper is passed along as "Lix" soap. Du pont's copyrighted rice plant herbicide for mula has been filched and produced without royalties. Software and movie video theft is fair game, upsetting American executives at, among other firms, Microsoft and Walt Dis ney.

Relatedly, McDonald's 20-year restaurant land lease in Beijing was summarily torn up in 1994 to make room for a more lucrative Oriental Plaza complex of commercial, office, and residential properties. A sop to Mc Donald's: a "guaranteed" spot in the complex upon its completion in 1998. So degrees of apathy and corruption are "in" in the PRC. Shangri-La it's not. The message to entice U.S. citizens and firms: Be wary. The U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act subjects American bribe-payers, if caught, to a fine of up to $100,000 plus five years in prison. Yet the wary can win out. Coca-Cola, for example, sells 2.4 billion cans a year-or two for each man, woman, and child-winning over 15 percent of China's fast-growing soft drink market. Motorola has won a large fraction-$2 billion in sales in 1994 on its investment of $1.2 billion in the PRC-of the fast-growing Chinese cellular phone and pager market.

Motorola is among the 70 percent of all U.S. firms whose Far Eastern headquarters are in Hong Kong, a strategic location for mainland know-how and joint-venture con nections. Motorola's neighbors there include Bank of America, Dun & Bradstreet, Exxon, Hyatt, Time-Warner, May Department Stores, PepsiCo, Polaroid, Walt Disney, and Xerox. The largest overseas U.S. Chamber of Commerce is the American chamber in Hong Kong. Indeed, China could already be the world's second largest economy, suddenly surpassing Japan. (Is the United States next?) Using the controversial "purchasing power parity" the ory of measuring output by comparing each national currency's buying power of a similar "market basket" of goods, The Economist (March 9, 1996) puts China's GDP at $3.0 trillion in 1994 against Japan's $2.7 trillion and the United States' $7.0 trillion. But what of the future? Two clouds on the horizon: What happens to the Chinese Com munist party leadership when time and tide catch up with the revered founder of the PRC Economic Revolution, Deng Xiaoping, now in his nineties? And how will Hong Kong fare with its Colossus parent when it becomes a "special administrative unit" of the PRC in July 1997, even with "guaranteed" retention of its present social, economic, and legal systems for 50 years, according to the British PRC Joint Declaration of 1984?

So the authors wind up their insightful book with a self-described "foggy crystal ball" and see three possible scenarios for the giant PRC: successful transition to a market econ omy, reversion to communism, and growing instability leading to fragmentation. The first scenario on a successful transition signals a triumph for world freedom and free enterprise along with a spur to global trade and economic growth. The second scenario on reversion to communism takes heed of PRC's ownership of-apart from nuclear war heads-literally thousands of subsidized, mostly money-losing state enterprises, some of them very large. Many xenophobic state enterprise operators resent the intrusion of foreign competition, foreign capital, foreign products, foreign ideas, and foreign influence in Beijing and throughout the provinces. The third scenario on fragmentation sees how, fOf example, the highly successful southeastern province of Guangdong with its Cantonese dialect and its next-door proximity to Can tonese-speaking Hong Kong-itself shrewd if nervous-could break away.

In all three scenarios the Western-educated younger generation of overseas Chinese busi ness leaders will playa decisive role. Ah, but how? Time will tell. Stay tuned. Meanwhile, Murray Weidenbaum and Samuel Hughes remind you that the Chinese symbol for durability is bamboo, that as an old oriental maxim puts it: "Bamboo bends; it does not break." D Dr. Peterson is this month's guest editor. Christianity and Economics in the Post-Cold War Era: The Oxford Declaration and Beyond Edited by Herbert Schlossberg, Vinay Samuel, and Ronald J. Sider Eerdmans Publishing Company • 1994 • 149 pages. $11.00 paperback Reviewed by John W. Robbins A s part of an ecumenical effort to artic ulate a religious view of economics and economic systems, 36 conferees describing themselves as "evangelical" -an undefined term which apparently means neither Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, nor liberal Prot estant-gathered in 1987, and over 100 gath ered in 1990 at Oxford and again in New Delhi in 1995.

The result of the second meeting in 1990 was the "Oxford Declaration." This volume, which includes the text of the Oxford Decla ration and 11 essays that are commentaries on it, explains the genesis of the Oxford Decla ration as being organized by Ronald Sider, author of Rich Christians in an Age ofHunger. (The editors fail to list the signatories of the Declaration, and to disclose who funded this expensive project.) What is the Declaration itself? Its full title is "The Oxford Declaration on Christian Faith and Economics." It makes pronounce ments on four major topics: Creation and Stewardship; Work and Leisure; Poverty and Justice; and Freedom, Government and Eco nomics. It is actually an updating, a greening, of the old social gospel, the gospel of altruism, BOOKS 179 that swept through American Protestant churches at the beginning of the twentieth century. The Declaration makes no contribu tion to an understanding of either Christianity or economics. It makes a thorough muddle of both. It is an ambiguously worded document of undefined terms and emotive phrases.

Filled with the jargon of socialism, inter ventionism, and welfare liberalism-basic needs, common good, exploitation, selfish individualism, empowerment, ecology, dehu manization, environmental devastation, ineq uitable distribution of wealth and income the Declaration calls for government action on several fronts, for example: (1) "to create and enforce just frameworks of incentives and penalties . .. [to promote] ecologically sound practices"; (2) "the right to earn a living would be a positive or sustenance right. Such a right implies the obligation of the commu nity to provide employment opportunities"; (3) "We encourage governments and inter national financial institutions to redouble their efforts to find ways to ... ensure the flow of both private and public productive capital where appropriate"; and (4) "We urge that a major part of the resulting 'peace dividend' be used to provide sustainable solutions to the problems of the world's poor." There is more, but by now the reader gets the general idea.

The only redeeming economic value this book has is two essays by Calvin Beisner (of Covenant College) and Herbert Schlossberg (of the Fieldstead Institute), both participants in the Oxford conference. Beisner attacks the Declaration directly for its contradictory ideas about justice, and Schlossberg finds it astonishing that the Declaration (1) says nothing at all about capital formation, and (2) assumes the Marxist notion that economic theory rests on and is concerned only with material factors. The Declaration implies a rejection of both capitalism and central planning, but the no tion that there is a third way is a chimera. Neither social stability nor freedom can be achieved by attempting to combine the pri macy of the individual with the primacy of the group; or equality before the law with par tiality for favorites; or the rule of law with the rule of whim.

180 THE FREEMAN • MARCH 1997 The Declaration concludes: "We acknowl edge that all too often we have allowed society to shape our viewsand actions and have failed to apply scriptural teaching in this crucial area of our lives, and we repent." Would that they had. 0 Dr. Robbins is president of the Trinity Foundation. Getting It Right: Markets and Choices in a Free Society by Robert J. Barro MIT Press. 1996 • 191 pages. $20.00 Reviewed by Chris Weinkopf D espite serving on the faculty at Harvard, Robert J. Barro is judicious, discerning, and an unflagging champion of liberty. He is not scared to tackle taboo-blasting the faux science of "secondhand smoke" hysteria, and questioning the wisdom of "protecting" en dangered species at the cost of untold mil lions. Such unconventional wisdom makes him eminently likable to conservatives and libertarians. They will no doubt rush to buy, read, and enjoy this book. But only the first task will come easy.

This is not to say that Getting It Right has nothing to offer; even valuable lessons can be hard to sit through, and on various subjects, most notably foreign policy, Professor Barro has much to teach. He spurns foreign aid and third-world-debt forgiveness schemes for subsidizing socialism and discouraging pri vate-sector investment. Likewise, he dissects the notion that the United States can imple ment democracy in areas that don't protect property rights, let alone support functional markets. Even the war on drugs-an obvious domestic failure-has harmful international repercussions, providing an easy source of revenue for foreign guerrillas like Peru's Shining Path. But Barro's greatest asset, his ability to demonstrate free-market truths empirically (often with charts and diagrams), becomes a liability when he places greater trust in tables and formulae than in common sense and public knowledge. In the first chapter, Barro assigns numerical values to the economic freedom of various countries. He confidently forecasts that states with a capitalism quotient higher than a base minimum will be more democratic by the year 2000. Hong Kong ranks third in his list of nations on the fast track to political freedom-never mind that the tyrants of Peking take over in July.

His commitment to economic analysis sometimes supersedes even his own good instincts. Barro offers tortured reasoning to explain that Major League Baseball must impose caps on its players' "excessive" sala ries because "the competitive wage for ath letic skills reflects the benefit to an individual team ... in contrast, the 'correct' wage from a social standpoint is the value of all teams having better players." But unregulated teams will never pay a player too much (more than what he can earn for them at the box office, concession and souvenir stands, or in TV revenues); Barro should know that. This wonkish approach might be tolerable if it didn't also infuse the writing, but it does. Getting It Right is a collection of columns not published as separate essays, but strung to gether haphazardly in what fails to comprise a coherent whole. Barro's prose is drier than toasted rye, and not because it includes too much data or jargon, but because it lacks conviction. For example, Barro blithely dis misses the Civil War, saying slavery "would have been eliminated peacefully in not very many years." Perhaps, but this reasoning ignores the moral imperative, not to mention natural rights. His arguments for freedom are always strictly utilitarian; he never acknowl edges that liberty has an innate value separate from its material benefits. That sort of sagac ity doesn't show up in a graph. 0 Mr. Weinkopf is the editor of National Review Online (http://www.nationalreview.com).

Classical Economics: An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Volume II by Murray N. Rothbard Edward Elgar Publishing Limited. 1995 • 528 + xvi pages. $99.50 Reviewed by Douglas E. French Y ears ago Murray Rothbard set out to write an Austrian answer to Robert Heil broner's The Worldly Philosophers. Rothbard was much more ambitious than Heilbroner, whose 347 pages only (lightly) covers from Adam Smith to "The Modern World." Pro fessor Rothbard kept finding more and more characters that influenced economic thought, resulting in a two-volume history of economic thought from the Austrian perspective. His death in 1995 kept him from finishing the third volume. Volume II, entitled Classical Economics, picks up the story (which started with the Ancient Greeks in Volume I) with French man J.B. Say. "Say's Law" is known to all Econ 101 students as "supply creates its own demand." But little else is taught about Say.

Yet, Say's Treatise on Political Economy was the most popular economics text in the United States through the Civil War, going through 26 printings, after eight printings in French. Rothbard next examines Jeremy Bentham, James Mill, and David Ricardo. Ricardo is known for "the law of comparative advan tage," which makes the case for free trade. But, as Rothbard points out, Professor Wil liam O. Thweatt has demonstrated that Ricardo didn't originate the law of compar ative advantage, didn't understand it, didn't even have much interest in it. It was in fact James Mill who first presented the law while defending free trade against Thomas Malthus's support of the Corn Laws. The heart of Classical Economics revolves around the monetary and banking theories of the 1800s. With Great Britain suspending required specie payments, allowing the Bank of England to greatly inflate the supply of money, economic thinkers had to consider the BOOKS 181 effects of a fiat paper money system. The "bullionists" contended that the increase in paper money caused the price inflation. The opposing "anti-bullionists" placed the blame for the higher prices on wartime disruptions, supply shortages, and any other cause that let the government and Bank of England off the hook.

The boom and subsequent bust of 1825 in Britain led to the currency versus banking school debate. The currency school advocates insisted that bank notes be backed 100 per cent by specie. Unfortunately, they forgot about demand deposits. Thus, as Rothbard writes, "the banking system, led by the Bank of England, [shifted] their inflationary and expansionary attentions to deposits alone-a condition that still prevails throughout the world." Next, Rothbard looks at Marxism with a religious slant: "Marx harked back to the apocalyptics, ... who foresaw a bloody Ar mageddon at the Last Days, before the mil lennium could be established." "Violent, worldwide revolution, in Marx's version made by the oppressed proletariat, would be the instrument of the advent of his millennium, communism." Rothbard uses poems that Marx penned to expose him as "mean, hard-core, [and] proto Stalinist." The mantra of Marxists is that free-market capitalism oppresses the masses for the benefit of the wealthy bourgeoisie. In terms of sheer numbers, no system has op pressed its citizens in the twentieth century like the communist governments of Lenin, Stalin, Mao, and Pol Pot, whose regimes "can be considered the logical unfolding, the em bodiment, of the nineteenth century vision of their master, Karl Marx."

Rothbard leaves Marx for the French lais sez-faire school, led by Frederic Bastiat, and closes with the decline of laissez-faire thought during the late 1880sand into the early 1900s, spurred by a burgeoning number of Ph.D.'s who sang the praises of "modern and pro gressive" Big Government. The book's final paragraph puts a lump in the throat of any Murray Rothbard fan, student, or friend. He writes that, "it is now clear that the revolution against the classical 182 THE FREEMAN • MARCH 1997 school paradigm went far beyond emphasis on the marginal unit of a good or service, especially in the hands of Carl Menger and his followers. But that is the stuff of another volume." For scholars and students, Rothbard's bib liographical essay is worth the hefty price of the book. Dr. Rothbard was dismayed that the publisher was asking so much for the two volumes (together nearly $200). This writer and other former students wrote Edward Elgar, attempting to convince the publisher that the book would reach a much wider audience, selling more units, if the price were lowered. But now, we just wish we could buy Volume III, no matter the price. 0 Mr. French is a vicepresident in commercial real estate lending for a bank in Las Vegas, Nevada.

The Life of Adam Smith by Ian Simpson Ross Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1995 • 495 pages. $35.00 Reviewed by Raymond J. Keating I f you ever wondered what books Adam Smith's father kept in his library, then Ian Simpson Ross's The Life ofAdam Smith is for you. Indeed, Ross's biography of the father of free-market economics is jam-packed with such facts regarding Smith, his family, teach ers, friends, and associates. It's rather striking, when you consider Adam Smith's impact on mankind, that more has not been written about his life. As Ross notes, the last full-scale biography on Smith was published 100years ago. The Life ofAdam Smith paints a technically complete picture of Adam Smith-complete in the sense that the major endeavors of Smith's life are addressed. That is, we see Smith the student, the moral philosopher, the rhetorician, the historian, the teacher, the customs official, and of course, the economist.

Overall, we gain a portrait of Smith as a self-confident man, though modest and self deprecating, absent-minded, charitable, and committed to scholarship to the point that his health sometimes suffered. Various particu lars about Smith's personal life are noted, including a deep dedication to his mother, being kidnapped by gypsiesat the age of three, a possible nervous breakdown as a student, and lifelong bachelorhood with one or two lost loves along the way. Ross concludes "that first and last [Smith] was a moralist whose character bore the impress of the Roman Stoics." Ross warns, however: "We must not think that Smith's life was all labour over his books, worry over their reception, and refuge from concentration on chains of complex ideas in the endless ramifications of the business rou tine of the Customs Board. He enjoyed a stimulating social life, particularly through entertaining visitors from other countries in Edinburgh. "

Ross discusses Smith's works in their en~ tirety, naturally giving great attention to The Theory of Moral Sentiments and An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. In summary, Ross notes that The Theory of Moral Sentiments contributed to a better understanding of the role of sympathy in moral judgments and developed the idea of the "impartial spectator to account for the formation of our judgements of ourselves." As for The Wealth of Nations and the eco nomics model developed within, Ross ob serves: "The leading features of the model, with its concept of a freely competitive and self-regulating market, have proved highly attractive up to the present day." As defined by Smith himself, the Smithian model was the "obvious and simple system of naturalliber ty." Ross illustrates that Smith's free-market ideas were brewing for some time before the publication of The Wealth of Nations in 1776.

For example, Ross provides a quote from a 1755 paper prepared by Smith to be read to a society in Glasgow: "Little else is requisite to carry a state to the highest degree of opulence from the lowest barbarism, but peace, easy taxes, and a tolerable administration of jus tice; all the rest being brought about by the natural course of things. All governments which thwart this natural course, which force things into another channel, or which endeav our to arrest the progress of society at a particular point are unnatural, and to support themselves are obliged to be oppressive and tyrannical." This biography particularly excels when examining the many people who influenced Adam Smith to varying degrees. Most impor tant were his teacher Francis Hutcheson, his friend David Hume, and Fran<.;;ois Quesnay and the French Physiocrats. The Life of Adam Smith is well worth reading. However, I must admit that the book left me wanting more in two particular areas.

First, from the perspective of reading a biog raphy, the tidbits regarding Smith's personal life were not enough to satiate me. This is probably an unfortunate consequence of the amount of information available, though, and not necessarily the fault of the author. Second, the final chapter cried out for a stronger discussion regarding the massive and durable impact of Smith's economics for more than two centuries. Unfortunately, at the book's close, the reader possesses some doubt as to whether or not Ross fully grasps Smith's deep influence to this very day. There is much for the free-market reader to appreciate in The Life of Adam Smith, with still a bit left to be desired. 0 Mr. Keating serves as chief economist for the Wash ington, D.C.-based Small Business Survival Foun dation. Backfire by' Bob Zelnick Regnery • 1996 • 416 pages. $27.50 The Affirmative Action Fraud by Clint Bolick Cato Institute. 1996 • x + 170 pages. $10.95 paperback Reviewed by Michael Levin D espite what should have been major legal setbacks from recent court decisions, organs of government continue to discrimiBOOKS 183 nate against white males, and to pressure private employers to do so. Two books at tacking affirmative action are therefore most welcome.

Zelnick's is the more useful. Replete with statistics and telling anecdotes, it establishes the ubiquity of state-enforced double stan dards penalizing white males and favoring blacks and women on no other basis than race and sex. A reporter, Zelnick lets the facts speak for themselves and, when transcribing interviews, stays in the background. It is all here: the discrepancy in SAT scores between black and white university admittees (150 points or more at Princeton, Duke, Dartmouth, and Brown, among others), the discrepancy in ad~sion rates(Amherst takes 51 percent of all blabl\s who apply as against 19 percent of whites, ~lthough the academic records of the blacks are far inferior); gov ernment set-asides of billions of dollars in contracts that virtually exclude whites; banks forced to subsidize mortgages for high-risk blacks; Justice Department charges of "dis crimination" against home insurers (made in the absence of a single black complainant) leading to demands that "discouraged appli cants" be paid millions of dollars in restitu tion.

Zelnick explains clearly the assault on test ing in employment, various schemes to dilute white voting strength, and the "effects" test introduced into the 1982 Voting Rights Act, showing how they reduce productivity and polarize racial politics. Particularly odious are college admissions officers, one of whom swoons over mediocre grades by "minorities" while airily dismissing incomparably more qualified Jewish students with the remark "They'll be fine." Analytical when required, Zelnick replies effectivelyto the arguments for quotas. Don't colleges favor the children of alumni? "[T]here is little if any evidence that sons and daughters of alumni have, as a group, aca demic credentials even slightly below the norm." Can black interests be represented without racial proportionality? Medicaid, Medicare, remedial education, low-income housing, and other measures thought of as benefiting blacks show inescapably "that sub184 THE FREEMAN • MARCH 1997 stantive black interests have received a sym pathetic hearing in the councils of govern ment for many years running." Zelnick's sole weakness is a tendency to describe anyone who agrees with him as tall, distinguished, shrewd, or knowledgeable-a minor vice in an otherwise objective, hard-hitting book.

Affirmative Action Fraud is more ambitious (and windier). It too reports on the current state of play-Bolick and Zelnick cite many of the same passages from court decisions, es pecially to emphasize Thurgood Marshall's deviousness and hypocrisy-but Bolick also seeks to trace the ideological path from civil rights to quotas. His account seems to me correct. The civil rights movement was born, he says, when the right of all men to be free from coercion-the "American Creed"-was seen to conflict with the institution of slavery. This perception led to the Civil War and the Reconstruction Amendments protecting the rights of blacks against incursion by the states. But a fatal misstep was the Civil Rights Act of 1964 banning private discrimination. "[C]ivil rights laws went beyond restraints against coercion to tread directly upon voluntary freedom of association among private indi viduals," clearing the way for "all the mischief that would follow."

The precedent that individual autonomy could be invaded, combined with the viewthat "black failure to reach parity with whites is Attention, Teachers: due exclusively to . . . oppression," licensed the federal government to tell employers whom to hire, banks whom to lend to, home owners what neighbors they had to have, and children where they must go to school. The "fraud" is that none of these exertions has helped the population they were actually intended to help, namely the black underclass. Where Zelnick simply wants affirmative action ended, Bolick holds critics are obliged to propose some positive solution to the problems facing the underclass. His is "em powerment," the centerpiece of which are school vouchers allowing "choice." He is particularly enthusiastic about a Milwaukee program allowing "1,000 low-income children to leave abysmal public schools and to apply the state portion of their education funds roughly $2,500 per student-as full payment of tuition in nonsectarian private schools."

Such plans, popular among conservatives, are gravely flawed. Bolick delicately avoids mentioning the source of that $2,500, namely the taxpayers of Wisconsin. Vouchers are another device to forcibly transfer money from producers to non-producers and to infringe upon freedom of association. As such, they should be resisted by friends of liberty. 0 Professor Levin teaches in the Department of Phi losophy at City College and The Graduate Center of The City University, New York, New York. Recent issues of THEFREEMAN for classroom use H ere's a wonderful opportunity to introduce your students to ideas on liberty-at no cost to you or your school. We are offering cartons of past Freeman issues free of charge, postpaid. Each carton contains over 100 copies of a single issue. Simply send your request, with shipping instruc tions, to: FEE, 30 South Broadway, Irvington-an-Hudson, New York 10533.