XIII. Communism and the Eisenhower Administration

XIII. Communism and the EisenhowerAdministration WrrHthe election of a Republican President and a Repub lican Congress in November, 1952, the revolutionary move ment faced the peril that the full power of the United States government might be directed against it. That had been the promise of the Republican campaign orators. Nine months later, it was apparent that the revolutionists had no cause for alarm about the intentions of the Eisenhower administration. Senator McCarthy of Wisconsin, Senator Jen ner of Indiana, and RepresentativeVelde of Illinois, with their respective committees, were doing their best to keep faith with the people, but their efforts·were not encouraged and at times they were obstructed by the administration. On August 24, 1953, Senator Jenner's eight-member judiciary subcommittee on internal security issued a unanimous report declaring that the penetration of the United States government by the Soviet international organization "has not been fully disclosed." The report said: "Policies and programs laid down by members of this Soviet conspiracy are still in effect within our government and constitute a continuing hazard to our national security."

The report further stated: "In addition to identifying more than 80 particular Com munist agents, 37 of whom were in the United States govern ment, Elizabeth Bentley testified before our subcommittee on May 29, 1952, that to her knowledge there were four Soviet espionage rings operating within our government and that only two of these have been exposed.... "Despite the fact that the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other security agencies had reported extensive information about this Communist penetration, little was done by the exec224 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION utive branch to interrupt the Soviet operatives in their ascent in government until congressional committees brought forth to public light the facts of the conspiracy." This report, written by Robert Morris, the subcommittee's brilliant young counsel, was truly astonishing in its implica tions. The communist penetration of the government occurred in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations, but policies and programs laid down by the Soviet conspiracy were still in effect after the Eisenhower administration had been in office seven months, according to the unanimous report of eight senators five Republicans, three Democrats. At least two Soviet espion age rings still were operating in the government. Moreover, there were indications that the Eisenhower administration would be little more diligent than its predecessors in exposing and eliminating the Soviet conspirators still remaining in the government.

A letter to Senator Jenner from William P. Rogers, Deputy Attorney General, dated July 6, 1953, disclosed that the Justice Department still had not decided whether to prosecute the no torious John P. Davies, Jr., one of the architects of the betrayal of China and Korea, for perjury. Senator McCarran (D., Nev.), then chairman of the subcommittee, first requested action by the Justice Department against Davies on September 21, 1951. The subcommittee repeated this request on July 2, 1952, and again on June 11, 1953. In the intervening two years, Davies had moved from the· policy planning staff of the· State Depart ment to Germany, where he was deputy political adviser to the United States high commissioner, and thence to Peru, as counselor of the American embassy, which job he still held when the subcommittee report was issued. Lyle H. Munson, a former official of the Central Intelligence Agency, and a CIA official whose name was withheld for se curity reasons, testified that on November 16, 1949, they were called to the State Department by Davies, who proposed that the following persons be employed by the CIA as Far Eastern consultants: Professor John K. Fairbank of Harvard Univer sity and Mrs. Fairbank, Professor Benjamin K. Schwartz of COMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 225 Harvard, Edgar Snow, Agnes Smedley, and Anna Louise Strong. Professor Fairbank, Smedley, and Strong were identi fied as Communists and the others as procommunist, by wit nesses before the subcommittee. The CIA officialstestified that Davies recommended Prof. Fairbank as chairman of the pro posed consultant group. They said Davies remarked that some persons regarded Fairbank and his wife as Communists, but that in fact they were merely "politically sophisticated." Ad miral Hillenkoetter, then head of the CIA, consulted the FBI about the Far Eastern "experts" recommended by Davies and refused to employ them. Davies denied under oath that he ever made such a recommendation. It was possible that continued prodding by the senators would force the Eisenhower admin istration to act against Davies, just as the House Committee on Un-American Activities forced the Truman administration to act against Alger Hiss, but it was· clear that the initiative would have to come from Congress.

Another example of incredible unconcern about the com munist conspiracy on the part of executive agencies under the Eisenhower administration was brought out by Senator Mc Carthy's permanent investigating subcommittee. In August, 1953, McCarthy disclosed that Communists had penetrated and still were active in the huge government printing office, which prints thousands of secret documents for the army and navy, atomic energy commission, and other government .. agen cies. In testimony before the subcommittee and in reports by the FBI, Edward Rothschild, an employee of the printing office, was identified as a member of the Communist Party and ac cused of stealing a secret United States merchant marine code book during the war, in 1943. When called before the subcom mittee, Rothschild refused, on the ground of self-incrimination, to say whether he was a Communist or was engaged in es pionage against the United States. The printing office there upon suspended him. Testimony disclosed that the loyalty board of the printing officecleared Rothschild in 1948, despite an FBI report stating that he was a Communist and had stolen 226 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION secret documents. S. Preston Hipsley, personnel security officer of the printing office, testified that "mere membership in· the Communist party" was not a ground for dismissal from the government service. This was true under the so-called "loyalty"

program instituted by the Truman administration in 1947, but in 1951 Truman signed an executive order authorizing the dis missal of employes in case of "reasonable doubt" as to their loyalty. Although a second FBI report on Rothschild was re ceived by the printing office in 1951, there was no action against him. Nothing was done by the new public printer, Ray mond Brattenberger, appointed by Eisenhower in April, 1953, until Senator McCarthy's committee began its inquiry. The subcommittee disclosed that Philip L. Cole, deputy pub lic printer, cleared Bertha Lomack, a printing office employe, in 1948, after a loyalty board had recommended her discharge. Subsequently she was apprehended with a confidential paper in her apron pocket as she was leaving the printing office. Cole acknowledged that he regarded the woman as "an un desirable employe" when he overruled the loyalty board, but refused to concede that he had made a mistake. Cole also im plied that Senator McCarthy's investigation had done more harm than good by disclosing to the public "that secret ma terial is printed here." Despite Rothschild's refusal under oath to deny the espionage charges, Cole said it might be difficult to remove him from the payroll. Rothschild finally resigned.

Cole disclosed that charges of disloyalty had· been filed against thirty-five em.ployes of the printing office since 1947, that fifteen were separated by discharge, resignation, retire ment, or death, and that twenty, including Rothschild, had been cleared. Although a reinvestigation was ordered as a're sult of Senator McCarthy's disclosures, there was no indication that the Eisenhower administration would move to correct an intolerable situation by firing the printing office officials for incompetence or dereliction of duty. The revolutionaries were alarmed about the possibility that the Eisenhower administration would support what they call COMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 227 "McCarthyism," because the Congressional elections of 1950 and 1952 had demonstrated unmistakably that there is an over whelming popular demand to smash the communist conspiracy. Such a decision by the President, who could order full cooper ation of the executive agencies, including the FBI, with the Congressional committees could be a death blow to the revolu tion. To avert this calamity, the revolutidnists launched a cam paign of unprecedented fury and scope to destroy McCarthy.

The same forces had tried to destroy Whittaker Chambers in 1948, after he had exposed Alger Hiss. In his book Witness, Chambers writes: "The simple fact is that when I took up my little sling and aimed at Communism, I also hit something else. What I hit was the forces of that great socialist revolution, which, in the name of liberalism, spas modically, incompletely, somewhat formlessly, but always in the same direction, has been inching its ice cap over the nation for two decades.... No one could have been more dismayed than I at ,what I had hit, for though I knew it existed, I still had no adequate idea of its extent, the depth of its penetration or the fierce vindictiveness of its revolutionary temper, which is a reflex of its struggle to keep and advance its political power." A curious phenomenon of the revolution is that many of our so-called "best people," the bourgeoisie who would be the first to be liquidated under a communist regime, are allied with the left-wing "int~llectuals." Chambers calls it a "morganatic bond between the ~orces of the left and the forces of the right." He recalls that it ~as the "clamorous proponents of the open mind"

who "snappe4-their minds shut" in a pro-Hiss psychosis. The same I elements, the Communists, the Socialists, the left-wing int411ectuals, the right-wing snobs, especially the "proponents pf the open mind," have shut their minds in an anti-McCarthjy psychosis. They have accused McCarthy and his anticomm.unist collaborators of "witch hunting," "book burning," suppressing all kinds of freedoms, creating a "mias ma of fear," and instituting a "reign of terror." They have fo mented hatrep. of America in Europe and other parts of the world by repr~senting the United States as a nation in the throes 228 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION of hysteria. Repetition of these fantastic charges by the anti antiCommunists of foreign countries is cited by the anti-Mc Carthyites as evidence that the senator is destroying the "unity of the free world," divesting the United States of its "allies," and thereby endangering world peace.

Stewart Alsop reported from London in the New York Her ald-Tribune on August 17, 1953, that Winthrop Aldrich, the American ambassador, had "courageously and accurately" de scribed "McCarthyism" in his cables to the State Department as "an immense liability to the United States." Aldrich, former chairman of the board of the Chase National Bank, is one of the "best people." In the dispatch from London, Alsop also reported that there were forces favoring appeasement of the Soviet Union on the right as well as on the left in England. So it appears that the morganatic marriage of the right-wing snobs with the left-wing revolutionaries is international. Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, national honorary chairman of Americans for Democratic Action and a kinswoman of the Al sop brothers, declared on August 3, 1953, on returning from her latest trip around the world, that American prestige in Eu rope and Asia was suffering because of "McCarthyism." Every where she went, she said, the people were apprehensive about the senator's "methods," which they regarded as the same as Hitler's and Stalin's. What a pity it is that the people Mrs.

Roosevelt met in communist Yugoslavia, or her procommunist friends in India, do not like Senator McCarthy's "methods!" Adlai Stevenson, another favorite of the ADA, returned from a trip around the world a little later and echoed what Mrs. Roosevelt had said about "McCarthyism" damaging American prestige. In Italy, where the Communists recently polled 35.3 per cent of the popular vote and later helped overthrow the pro American De Gasperi government, there is no McCarthy com mittee. In France, which votes about 30 per cent Communist and has been paralyzed by a general strike with the commu nist-controlled labor unions playing a major part, there is no McCarthy committee. In England, where the Churchill govCOMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 229 ernment tries to appease Communist China and the Soviet Union to prevent a return to power by the procommunist Labor Party, there is no McCarthy committee. Addressing the an nual conference of the Conservative Party at Scarborough on October 10, 1952, John Eden, nephew of the foreign secretary in Churchill's government, said it had been estimated that "there are 11,000 Communists in the Civil service, that there are some 2,000 Communists in the teaching profession, and, be lieve it or not, that there are something like 200 Communist prelates and people in the church." Since the English are noted for understatement, it would appear that a McCarthy or a Jen ner or a Velde committee could do useful work in that country.

Britain cleared Klaus Fuchs, an arch-traitor, for "security" when he came to the United States to work on the atomic bomb, although it was known at the time that he had been a member of the Communist Party. After he returned to England with America's atomic secrets, he continued to spy for the Russians while working on Britain's atomic project until the American FBI supplied the information that led to his arrest and confes sion. Then he was let off with a fourteen-year sentence. Bruno Pontecorvo, who was said to know about as much as one man can learn about making a hydrogen bomb, left England and disappeared behind the Iron Curtain. Donald MacLean and Guy Burgess, both known Communists, were entrusted with responsible posts in the American section of the British foreign office until they disappeared behind the Iron Curtain. Appar ently oblivious of this frightful state of affairs in a country which has depended in .a large measure upon American aid and military support since World War II, Aldrich has the im pudence to report that "McCarthyism" is harming United States prestige in England.

The evidence available atthis writing indicates all too plain ly that President Eisenhower has been deluded by the anti McCarthyites.Although committedto a policy of refraining from personal recrimination, the President, on July 9, 1953, personally took part in a campaign of misrepresentation and character assassination which forced the resignation of Dr.

230 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION J. B. Matthews, executive director of McCarthy's committee. Shortly after Dr. Matthews, a man of scholarly attainments, irreproachable integrity, and unsurpassed knowledge of the communist conspiracy, took the job as director of the commit tee's staff, the revolutionaries were presented with an "issue" on which they believed they could destroy McCarthy. Dr. Mat thews, himself an ordained Protestant minister and a deeply religious man, had written an article for the July, 1953, issue of The American Mercury, titled "Reds and Our Churches," which declared that during the last seventeen years the Com munists have "enlisted the support of at least 7,000 Protestant clergymen" as party members, fellow-travelers, espionage agents, party-line adherents, and unwitting dupes. This issue of the magazine appeared about the time Dr. Matthews took the committee job, and the anti-anti-Communists struck with fury and vengeance. They made no effort to disprove Matthew's charges but attacked him personally. Their object was to turn ' 250,000 Protestant ministers and tens of millions of Protes tant church members against McCarthy, a Roman Catholic, for hiring a man who, according to their false propaganda, had imputed disloyalty to the Protestant clergy as a group.

Sensing an opportunity to make partisan political capital out of the anti-McCarthy furor, the three Democrats on the subcommittee-Symington of Missouri, Jackson of Washing ton, and McClellan of Arkansas-denounced Matthews, de manded his resignation, and themselves resigned after a row with McCarthy about his hiring prerogatives. The campaign reached a climax on July 9 when the White House released a telegram condemning the Matthews article, from the Rev. John A. O'Brien, Rabbi Maurice N. Eisendrath, and.Dr. John Sutherland Bonnell, co-chairmen of the commission on reli gious organizations of the National Conference of Christians and Jews. In its anxiety to get the telegram published, the White House staff elevated Father O'Brien to the rank of Mon signor, an honor which the church had not bestowed upon him. He is a professor at Notre Dame University. The White House also released a reply by the President, declaring: "Generalized COMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 231 and irresponsible attacks that sweepingly condemn the whole of any group of citizens are alien to America. Such attacks be tray contempt for the principles of freedom and decency. And when these attacks-whatever their professed purpose be-con demn such a vast portion of the churches or clergy as to create doubt in the loyalty of all, the damage to our nation is multi plied."

The President's telegram was a flagrant example of the sweeping condemnation and misrepresentation it falsely as cribed to the Matthews article. Matthews did not "sweepingly condemn the whole" of the Protestant clergy or even a "vast portion" of it. On the contrary, he wrote: "It hardly needs to be said that the vast majority of American Protestant clergy men are loyal to the free institutions of this country, as well as loyal to their solemn trust as ministers of the Gospel. In a sense, this overwhelming majority is embarrassed by the participa tion of the minority in the activities of the most sinister' con spiracy in the history of the world." Shortly after the Matthews article appeared, the Right Rev. James P. De Wolfe, Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Long Is land, called upon church officialsto purge their own houses of subversive clergymen but denied that the clergy as a class enjoy any immunity from Congressional investigations. He asserted that ninety-seven per cent of the clergymen with whom he had come in contact were loyal. The clear implication of his re mark was that he had some doubt about the loyalty of three per cent of the clergymen he knew. Three per cent of 250,000, the estimated number of Protestant clergymen in the country, would be 7,500, and Matthews only accused 7,000, including "ad herents of the party line in varying degrees" and "unwitting dupes" who would not be classified as disloyal. Thus the Mat thews estimate was conservative, in the opinion of a distin guished Protestant bishop.

Joseph Alsop jubilantly reported from Washington in the New York Herald-Tribune that the attack on Matthews was the first blow in a White House war on McCarthy. Alsop's wishesare often father to his thoughts, but as an eager attendant 232 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION at the Eisenhower court he enjoys the confidence of the White House staff, especially Sherman Adams, the major-domo. Al sop reported: "... The President's chief of staff, former Gov. Sherman Adams, of New Hampshire, was the man who finally decided that Matthews offered the long awaited 'really good issue' on which the President could take his stand against McCarthy. "Rather cleverly, the White House took steps to stimulate a telegram denouncing Matthews from three leaders of the Catho lic, Protestant and Jewish faiths. This was to give the President a reason to speak. Before the planned answer to the invited telegram could be published, the Vice President warned that Matthews was about to be dropped by McCarthy. The only White House reaction was to give the press the President's fine statement without further delay. In short, the intention to strike at McCarthy was abundantly clear."

This amazing report by an Eisenhower devotee, imputing base political motives to the President and the leaders of the National Conference of Christians and Jews, was never re pudiated by the White House. In another column Alsop reported that Eisenhower hated McCarthy. A few days later, on July 24, the President's brother, Arthur B. Eisenhower, a Kansas City banker, denounced Mc Carthy as "the most dangerous menace to America." In an in terview published· by the Las Vegas Sun, Arthur Eisenhower said: "When I think of McCarthy I automatically think of Hit ler. I would believe anything about him, and I think your paper and its publisher, Hank Greenspun, should be commended on the stand it has taken against this rabble rouser." The President, of course, cannot be held responsible for the aberrations of a brother, but there is a tie-in here which indi cates that the revolutionaries are using the brother to get to the President.

The 'facts about Greenspun, who seems to be warmly ad mired by the President's brother, have been reported from time COMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 233 to time by Westbrook Pegler. Greenspun is an ex-convict from Brooklyn, who went out to Las Vegas as.a press agent for the Flamingo Hotel. The hotel was owned by Buggsy Siegel, the noted gangster, who was murdered in the Beverly Hills home of Virginia Hill. The printers' union had established a small paper to compete with the Review-Journal with which it was engagedin a disputeabout a labor saving device. After Siegel's murder, Greenspun took over the paper, which he used in an unsuccessful campaign in 1950 to purge Senator Mc Carrano He even named the senator as a co-defendant in a suit for $1,000,000 against his former associates in the gambling industry, whom he accused of conspiracy to withhold advertis ing from his paper. The suit ended in a "settlement" on undis closed terms, but Senator McCarran never paid Greenspun anything and never agreed to anything.

Associated with Greenspun in his unsuccessful efforts to purge Senator McCarran was the mysterious and sinister Ar thur J. Goldsmith, who from his headquarters in the Waldorf Astoria Towers in New York operates a nation-wide purge and smear apparatus against Americans who oppose the Soviet con spiracy. Pegler disclosed that from November 2 to November 7, 1952, during that fateful week which compassed General Eisenhower's election to the presidential office, his brother Arthur occupied suite 30-D in the Waldorf-Astoria Towers, which adjoins suite 30-C, the residence and official headquar ters of Goldsmith. Arthur Eisenhower conferred with Gold smith daily during his stay at the Waldorf. Milton Eisenhower, the President's closest political adviser, visited his brother Ar thur in his Waldorf suite and also conferred with Goldsmith. Pegler called Arthur Eisenhower on the telephone but got very little information from him about his relations with Gold smith. Eisenhower did say he found Goldsmith "charming and entertaining" and also "brilliant. "

Pegleralso learnedthat the Presidenthad signed a mysteri ous "testimonial" for Goldsmith, and had entertained Lessing Rosenwald, one of Goldsmith's contributors, at a White House 234 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION dinner. Rosenwald and his wife gave Goldsmith $6,000 for use in a campaign against Representative Carroll Reece of Tennes see, former chairman of the Republican National Committee. When I called Goldsmith to ask about the report that he had received a testimonial from the President, he said there was "ample evidence of it" but that he did not intend to discuss it. He had the impudence to say that it was "a private matter be tween the President and me." "Where is this evidence you speak of?" Goldsmith was asked. "In my safe, and it is going to stay there," he said. The big purge and smear man did disclose that the tribute he received from the President was written in some kind of book, and that the names of many other personages were in scribed therein.

A 1943 report in the files of the House Committee on Un American Activities declares that Goldsmith was an officer, a director, or a member of the advisory board of eleven propa ganda organizations "stemming out of 8 West 40th St.," New York, where the Soviet Purchasing Commission was located. Some of these groups are no longer extant. Goldsmith's main activity is the so-called Committee on Public Affairs, 100 East 50th Street in New York City which is the address of the Wal dorf-Astoria Towers. In 1946, Goldsmith's committee sent $4,250 to Montana to purge Senator Burton K. Wheeler, a Democrat, who had been a leader in the fight to keep the United States out of war, and who later had opposed appeasement of communist Russia. Testimony before a Senate investigating committee involved the late David K. Niles, alias Neyhus, an administrative assistant to Presidents Roosevelt and Truman and a "very dear friend"

of Goldsmith, in the conspiracy to assassinate Senator Wheel er's character. A vile and scurrilous book, accusing the senator of "leading America's retreat from reason into the safe, venti lated hell of Nazi-Fascism," was circulated in Montana by the conspirators. Senator Edwin C. Johnson (D., Colo.) chairman of the Senate investigating committee,' called the testimony to COMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 235 President Truman's attention and said the character assassins should be "publicly horsewhipped." The Republican campaign orators promised particularly to root communist influence out of the State Department. Donald Lourie, formerly of the Quaker Oats Company, was brought in as undersecretaryfor administrationwith much fanfare about the house-cleaning he was going to do. Scott McLeod, a former FBI agent and more recently an assistant to Senator Bridges (R., N. H.), was made administrator of the Bureau of Security, Consular Affairs, and Personnel.

'McLeod, in a letter to this author dated August 5, 1953, estimated that "the number of cases separated from the depart ment on whom some security question existed is 249 from Jan. 20, 1953, when the Eisenhower administration took office, through July 31, 1953." Only 117 were separated on security grounds in the last three years of.the Truman administration. In addition, McLeod's office removed 74 homosexuals from the department from January to June 30, which raised the total of such separations to 381 in three and a half years. Homo sexuals are notorious security risks because of their suscepti bility to blackmail. All accounts agree that McLeod has done an excellent job against those who can be separated from the department as subversives or security risks. He has done so well, in fact, that the Marshall-Acheson holdovers in the department are persis tently reported to be after his scalp. However, the provable subversives and security risks constitute only part of the State Department problem. Marshall-Acheson holdovers in policy making and policy-influencing positions still run the depart ment. Lourie, the undersecretary for administration, was sur rounded by the holdovers and submerged in the quicksands of bureaucracy.

Although they supported procommunist policies in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations, these middle and .. up per level holdovers cannot be fired as subversives or security 236 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION risks in the absence of evidence that they have participated in subversive activities. Most of them have a career status and cannot be fired at all except for cause. However, they could be transferred to consular jobs in remote places such as Mada gascar or Zamboanga where they would not be such a menace to the national interest. John Carter Vincent, former head of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs and one of the chief archi tects of the communist victory in China, was transferred to Tangier under the Acheson regime as a result of Senator Mc Carthy's efforts. On March 4, 1953, Secretary Dulles accepted Vincent's "resignation" on the ground that his performance of duty had not measured up to the standards required by these critical times, but he rejected the finding of the civil service commission's loyalty review board that there was "reasonable doubt" of Vincent's loyalty.

Dulles himself was a holdover from the Truman administra tion, which he represented at international conferences or as a State Department adviser from 1945 to 1952. His record in the Hiss case and his frequently demonstrated predilection for expediency before principle were portents that Dulles would be no great improvement over Acheson. After observing him in officefor six months, however, Republican leaders in Congress were inclined to go along with him in the belief that Eisen hower's choice of a successor, if Dulles should be dropped from the cabinet, almost certainly would be worse. Undersecretary Smith is said to be the candidate of the Acheson -Marshall cabal for Dulles' job. The egregious John J. McCloy, now chairman of the Chase National Bank, is another close friend of the President who might get the job. The consensus of Republicans in Congress is that either Smith or McCloy would be worse than Dulles and as bad as Acheson or MarshaH.

It was not long after the Eisenhower administration took office before Smith came to be known as the real "boss" of the State Department. Most foreign policy moves were planned by Smith and C. D. Jackson, the President's assistant in charge of psychological warfare. Jackson, a product of Henry Luce's magazine enterprises, was in charge of the communist-infilCOMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 237 trated Radio Free Europe when Smith was running the Central Intelligence Agency and the RFE was subsidized and guided by the CIA. If Adlai Stevenson or some other Democrat had charged during the 1952 campaign that four "China-trained" Marshall Acheson holdovers would be Assistant Secretaries of State, in charge of all the geographical regions of the earth, under an Eisenhower administration, the American people probably would not have believed it. Yet that was the lamentable fact seven months after Eisenhower took office. These assistant sec retaries were: Walter S. Robertson, Far Eastern affairs; Henry A. Byroade, Near Eastern, South Asian, and African affairs; Livingston T. Merchant, European affairs; and John M. Cabot, inter-American affairs.

There were four other assistant secretaries with no jurisdic tion over the geographic offices. These were: Robert D. Mur phy, United Nations affairs; Thruston B. Morton, congressional relations; Samuel C. Waugh, economic affairs; and Carl W. McCardle, public affairs. McCardle was the Washington cor respondent of the Philadelphia Bulletin before Dulles brought him into the State Department. A zealous One Worlder, he cultivated Dulles for years and finally landed on the govern ment payroll as a sort of personal press agent for his hero. McCardle was the nominal successor of an Acheson favorite, Howland Sargeant, husband of Myrna Loy, but it is not to be supposed that he replaced Sargeant. McCardle got the $15,000 a year salary that goes with the job,but Sargeant stayed on as his consultant at $11,800 a year. The alert Washington news letter Human Events, edited by Frank C. Hanighen, compared the classified State Department telephone directory, dated July, 1953, with the directory is sued in November, 1952. It found that there were five sub divisions with fourteen chief functionaries listed under "Office of the Secretary." All fourteen of the chief functionaries listed in the· directory for July, 1953, were in the directory for No vember, 1952, ten of them in the same jobs.

The Human Events report continues: "Likewise, in the case 238 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION of the Assistant Secretariat of Administration, all the present names were prominent in last November's directory of the Acheson hierarchy; same for the Foreign Building Operations, the Division of Foreign Reporting, the Office of Budget and Reports (with one exception), the Office of Finance, Office of Operating Facilities, Division of Communications and Rec ords, Division of Central Services, etc., etc. All, with only minor exceptions, mirror the old setup under Acheson. "When we turn to the roster of the chiefs of the Intema tional Information section, we discover why Senator McCarthy worked up such a rage with this section last week. For exam ple, the nine chiefs of the USIIA Office of Policy and Plans are name for name identical with those in November, 1952. Leaf ing onward, through Intelligence, U.N. Affairs, Economic Affairs, geographical sections, etc.-almost identical-without change during the passage of eight months .... "

When McCarthy sent two members of his staff, Roy Cohn and David Shine, to Europe to look into the operations of the International Information program, they were .victims of a planned smear campaign which must have been inspired by the State Department. Wherever they went, they were met by swarms of European and American reporters, who questioned them derisively and wrote reports depicting them as unearthly freaks from the weird land of "McCarthyism." The European reporters included background information in their reports which obviously had been supplied by the overseas employes of the State Department. Theodore Kaghan, deputy director of the public affairs di vision in the office of James B. Conant, high commissioner for Germany, denounced Cohn and Shine as "junketeering gum shoes." Although defended by Conant, Kaghan finally was forced to resign as a result of revelations by McCarthy con cerning his procommunist activities. McCarthy also forced the resignation of Charles W. Thayer, consul general at Munich, on morals charges.

The peculiar sensitivity of the State Department, under. the COMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 239 Eisenhower administration, to criticism by the Communists and the anti-anti-Communists was demonstrated by its an guished antics when the McCarthy subcommittee demanded the removal of procommunist books from the overseas libraries of the United States Information Service. Under the Truman administration, these libraries, maintained with funds appro priated by Congress to propagate American ideals in foreign countries, were loaded with books by Communists, including twenty-one who invoked the Constitutional privilege against self-incrimination and refused to answer questions of Congres sional committees about communist activities. The overseas libraries included books by Earl Browder and his successor as boss of the American Communist Party, William Z. Foster. They even included one title by Ilya Ehrenburg, director of the Kremlin's propaganda machine. They offered the complete proceedings~ from 1929 to 1947, of the notorious Institute of Pacific Relations, which was regarded by Soviet officialsand by the American Communist Party as "an instrument of Commu nist policy, propaganda and military intelligence," according to the report of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. The works of Owen Lattimore, who was described in the Senate report as "a conscious, articulate instrument of the Soviet con spiracy," and many other communist IPR writers were promi nently displayed in the 196 United States information centers overseas.

When the McCarthy committee launched its campaign to remove the communist books from the libraries, there was a great hue and cry about "book burning" from the communist Daily Worker, the New·York Times and "liberal" academicians and theologians. The pretended liberals induced President Eisenhower to admonish the people against joining the "book burners" in his speech at Dartmouth College on June 14, 1953. At a press conference four days later the President indicated that he had learned something about the purposes of the act authorizing the establishment of the libraries. He said it would be "silly" to display communist books advocating the destruc tion of the United States on the shelves of overseas libraries 240 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION established to "advertise the United States." Such books should be eliminated, by burning or otherwise, he said. Still later, however, the President, answering a question by a bleeding heart correspondent for a "liberal" paper, depre cated the removal of "whodunits" by Dashiell Hammett from the libraries. Someone must have been scared, the President said. The State Department, which had ordered the removal of all books by authors who had refused to answer questions about their communist connections, promptly ordered the reinstate ment of Hammett's books. Hammett had defied not only a Con gressional committee but also a federal court, and had served six months in jail for contempt in refusing to disclose the source of a bail fund for Communists, of which he was chairman. Just why the taxpayers' money should be spent to enhance the pres tige of a Communist by buying his books and displaying them on the shelves of libraries maintained to promote American ideals in foreign countries was not explained by the President or by the State Department.

Apparently dazed by conflicting pressures from Congress on one side and the anti-anti-Communists on the other, the State Department issued no less than eleven directives revising its policy on the question of communist books. The final direc tive, issued on July 15, 1953, declared that works by avowed Communists, those convicted of crimes involving a threat to the security of the United States, and those refusing to answer questions about communist connections, would not be used "unless it is determined that a particular item is clearly useful for the special purposes of the program." In July, 1953, Allen Dulles, head of the Central Intelligence Agency, who is a brother of Secretary Dulles, obstructed Sena tor McCarthy's efforts to question William P. Bundy, a CIA official. McCarthy told the Senate that Bundy, a son-in-law of former State Secretary Acheson, contributed $400 to the de fense fund of Alger Hiss, who was an Acheson favorite. Mc Carthy said Bundy had submitted, in writing, the following explanation for his contribution to the Hiss defense fund: (1) COMMUNISM AND EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 241 it would help out Bundy's father-in-law, Acheson; (2) it was "imperative" to exonerate Hiss; and (3) the trial was "impor tant" to the Democratic Party.

McCarthy heard that Bundy was to be appointed to a new job as liaison officer between the Atomic Energy Commission and the National Security Council, the nation's top strategic planning agency. When he summoned Bundy to appear for questioning about his fitness for this job, he was advised by Walter Pforzheimer, legislative liaison officer of the CIA, that Bundy had gone away on a vacation and that, anyway, Dulles had prohibited CIA personnel from testifying before Congres sional committees. McCarthy accused Dulles of "blatantly defying the authority of the Senate" and of "covering up" information concerning the activities of Bundy. The super-secret CIA was staffed largely with personnel from the wartime communist-infested Office of Strategic Serv ices. It handles large sums of money, ostensibly for espionage, counter-espionage, and overseas underground activities, and makes no accounting of its disbursements. Westbrook Pegler has presented impressive evidence, which Dulles has refused to confirm or deny, that the CIA has turned over about $3,000, 000 to the AFL and David Dubinsky's International Ladies Garment Workers' Union for use by Jay Lovestone and Irving Brown, both anti-Kremlin Communists, in promoting social ism in western Europe. Dubinsky's labor union appears to have its own foreign policy, foreign ministry, and ambassadors to foreign countries, supported by the taxpayers.

The Bundy incident called attention to a bipartisan inter locking directorate of One Worlders and protectors of revo lutionists which retains a major voice in the control of the nation's affairs regardless of the party in power. Bundy is the son of HarveyH. Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State under SecretaryHenry L. Stimsonin the Hoover administrationand special assistant to War Secretary Stimson in the Roosevelt ad ministration. Harvey H. Bundy is a trustee of the Carnegie En dowment for International Peace, of which John Foster Dulles 242 THE TWENTY-YEAR REVOLUTION was chairman when it chose Alger Hiss, the traitor, as its presi dent. McGeorge Bundy, brother of William P., wrote Stimson's memoirs, glossing over his part in the Pearl Harbor disaster and proudly assuming major responsibility for the lynching bee at Nuernberg and the atomizing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. McGeorge Bundy also wrote a book called The Pattern of Re sponsibility, which lauded Acheson's foreign policy and con doned his sympathy for Hiss.

"Mr. Acheson and my father have been close friends across the party wall for many years," he wrote. "More recently, to their shared pride, there has been a family connection." He expressed hope that "this record may one day be read with satis faction by a young man who is Mr. Acheson's grandson and my nephew." Acheson and Hiss were leaders of the pro-Soviet group in the State Department. Donald Hiss was employed by the State Department before the war and, like his brother, Al ger, was identified by Whittaker Chambers as a member of the Soviet underground apparatus. Later Donald joined Acheson's law firm. Both Dulles brothers served the Truman administration. Al len was deputy director of the CIA under General Smith in the Truman administration, and succeeded him as director of the CIA when Smith became Undersecretary of State and John Foster Dulles became Secretary of State in the Eisenhower ad ministration.

And the American people were promised a change!