10. Organizing for Freedom

"If a noble and civilized democracy is to subsist," he ",vrote, "the common citizen must be something of a saint and some thing of a hero. We see, therefore, how justly flattering and profound, and at the same time how ominous, was Montes quieu's saying that the principle of democracy is virtue." 1 Santayana also pointed out that it is not in the spirit of de mocracy to offer prizes. Even public office, h.e continued, con fers no great. distinction, and no great profit if honestly ad ministered. The effective exercise of influence in a free society requires a sedulous and unremitting devotion to very prosaic activity. Its meager rewards are offset by personal sacrifice, bitter re verses, and periodic frustration. Perhaps because the rewards are so doubtful and unsatisfying to the fastidious, sensitive 1 George Santayana: Reason in Society (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons; 1905), p. 136.

284 The Arduous Ways of Politics mind, political activity has been left in large part to those whose satisfactions are material and self-serving. But since in our time government, through doing very ordinary things, has attained an enormous power over our life, the direction of political life should become the task of extraordinary people. 2 What Henry Wallace calls. the age of the common man can be attained only by uncommonly good and brave men and women. Superficial people can find excitement in politics because they regard it as a game. But it is much more than a game. It is a serious struggle for existence and· for the values that make existence worth while. With this in mind, devoted people in increasing numbers have fortunately been willing to' scorn delights and give themselves to the hard task of lifting the levels of political life. Despite the pessimism of such observers of free govern ment as Santayana, political activity does offer exciting re wards.Woodrow Wilson once said: "Nothing that is human is alien to the sCience of politics." As a person works beyond the preliminaries into the vitals of politics, the boundless concerns of human life unfold before him. A voter's motives are a mosaic of personal interest, altruism, prejudice, habit, and factual knowledge. While apolitical appeal, addressed to wider and wider audiences, seeks common denominators of interest, personal appeals to prospective voters to go to the polls or to vote for specific persons and policies must be de signed for each individual. This requires resourcefulness, hu2 I made this point in my 27 Masters Of Politics (New York: Funk & Wagnalls; 1949): "To a philosopher, a scientist or a great lawyer, the pre occupations of a politician seem to be the interests of a person too lazy to apply himself to· serious things. This is a gross underestimation of the poli tician's job. For beneath the surface he is applying his mental faculties to exceedingly complex subject matter, and if he is to be successful he must labor with incessant energy and. meticulous care. For political genius is the capacity to give· continuous, undivided and sedulous attention to matters that to most serious people seem too. trivial to bother with."

285 Organizing for Freedom man sympathy, sensitiveness, and skill. The details of politi cal action that seem so dull at first become more important and attractive. But the ultimate values that political action should seek are beyond reckoning. The Moral Responsibility of Free Men As Santayana so clearly points out, the person who dedicates himself to the tasks required of a citizen in a democracy must indeed be exceptionaL It is a sad commentary on human na ture in this age, perhaps in every past age, that so few people are stirred by a sense of duty to participate in public affairs and that whoever dedicates himself to political action, with a full appreciation of its dangers, trials, and dearth of per sonal gain, must be stirred by unusual moral convictions and courage. 3 It is a pity, too, that an effort to stir people to participate in politics must be largely based upon appeals either to the material interests of those who stand to lose by present trends or to the possibility of personal advancement in public life.

Those who have been more favored by their position in the moderate or more fortunate ranges of our society should pri marily be moved by a moral sense toward the interests of their country. They owe a great deal to the free institutions under which they and their forebears have lived. They have a deep obligation to those who will come after them. They should not in conscience permit the nation's liberty to be wasted away by rapacious and misguided leaders. Their sense 3 A perceptive student of politics, after reading this chapter in manuscript~ made the following comment: "I wonder whether there is enough of the old Presbyterian sense of duty to make the appeal even stronger by the introduc tion of the idea that it is a stern duty and obligation of the upper orders to perform a leadership of t:r.usteeship. This struck me quite forcibly the other day in reading the biography of Henry L. Stimson. I had never thought of him as out plugging a precinct, but he started in that way."

286 The Vote Is the Payoff of what ·the country deserves sh.ouldmove them to save it from error, waste, and ultimate disaster. Citizen Action Must Be Militant Business and professional men are altogether too prone to limit their political action to applauding the speeches -and writings of others, to heated private denunciations of the op position, and to occasional small contributions to their favored organizations and parties. They hate to declare them selves publicly in an election campaign. They are like mem bers of a religion who will kneel down for their faith but will not .stand up-for it. A passion for political anonymity per vades a large majority of our people. Often it is shrouded in protestations of independence, neutrality, or open-minded ness. Essentially, it is based on the fear of losing friends or business, of endangering a job, or of hard work . . The fight against statism cannot be won by the timid and noncommittal. People must forego convenience, and security from criticism. They· must get into politics personally, di rectly, and actively. They must be for someone and against someone, despite the consequences. Citizen _action must be militant.

The Vote Is the Payoff All the effort, money, and jngenuity devoted to selecting good candidates, arguing for a cause, writing, printing, and distributing literature, making speeches, and organizing ral liesare in vain, if on Election Day voters do not vote. For the vote is the payoff, the power and the ptomiseof the future. That, of course, means getting out the right kind of voters. 287 Organizing for Freedom We can count on the .opposition and its allies to get out their supporters. But what assurance have we that citizen action for more votes will get out the right vote and not the wrong vote? There is no real assurance. But there are many evidences that the "right" people have been more laggard in voting than the "wrong" people. Between 1940 and 1948 the total number of Americans eli gible to vote rose from approximately 80,000,000 to 91,000, 000. That is an increase of 11,000,000. The figure is probably over 95,000,000 now.

In 1940, approximately 50,000,000 people voted for Presi dent. In 1944, 48,000,000. In 1948, 48,833,680. This is an indication that something is radically wrong. Part of the trouble was with the candidate in 1944 and 1948. But we cannot blame it all on Governor Dewey. Mr. Middle Interest American deserves the heavier censure because, if he is going to wait until just exactly the right candidate comes along, he may lose his liberty in the interim. Willkie received, in round numbers, 22,300,000 votes in 1940. Dewey received 22,000,000 in 1944 and almost exactly the same number in 1948. The Republican failure in 1948 becomes glaringly apparent when it is considered that in 1948 there were nearly 5,000,000 more potential voters than there were four years earlier and also that in 1944 there were some millions of men and women in military service. But the Roosevelt and Truman votes fell off even more, relatively and absolutely. Roosevelt had 27,200,000 in 1940 and 25,600,000 in 1944. Truman had 24,100,000 in 1948.

And even if we add to the Truman 1948 vote the votes for Thurmond and Wallace, the total fell below the Roosevelt 1940 vote by a million. Those who believe that a more "colorful" candidate can answer their need should note the relatively small difference between the vote for the most "colorful" Roosevelt in 1944 288 Personal Contact Is Indispensable and the least "colorful" Truman in 1948. That difference was 1,500,000. Such a difference would not at this rate bridge the gap between the parties. It is organized action that is needed, not a more glamorous candidate. Citizen action can shop in a colossal market of more than 42,000,000 possible stay-at-homes. To be sure, no one knows how these will vote if they come out. A little faith. and a bit of knowledge must suffice. If those who want a change be lieve· in their cause and feel that intelligent people believe in it, they ought to get out as many people as possible. They ought, of course, to beat· the bushes with more vigor in sec tionswhere people live whose interests are most endangered by socialistic trends.

In the British Parliamentary elections of 1950 and 1951 about 84 per cent of the eligibles voted. In that large turnout socialism was effectively checked. In 1948 in the United States 54 per cent voted! That points to the heart of the problem. Personal Contact Is Indispensable The business or professional man or woman who decides to engage in political activity, in fact any beginner in politics, must learn one lesson above all others. There is absolutely no substitute for personal, face-to-face contact with the voter. In our complex life outside the realm of politics we have the habit of delegation, of contacts by telephone, telegraph, an~ letters, of dependence upon advertising, publicity releases, and other forms of printed persuasion, or speeches. But in politics, where the final and indispensable act is the voter at the polling place casting the vote, there is nothing that can be substituted for personal contact. Political machines. oper ate on this principle as a matter of course. Their methods are based upon experience, tradition, and habit. 4 4 For an interesting confirmation of this, see Paul Lazarsfeld's The People's Choice (New York: Duell,Sloan & Pearce, Inc.; 1944). In this book the author 289 Organizing for Freedom This stresses the necessity for people who engage in politi cal action of any kind to get out of their homes and offices and· go into the highways and byways, no matter how difficult it may be for them to find the time, and no matter how un accustomed to such activity they may be. This also stresses that workers whose job it is to make direct contacts with vot ers are a first consideration in any political plans and budg ets.

Citizen Action for;, Not of;, a Party The attitude of organized citizens toward parties should not be hostile. A citizen who participates with other citizens in nonpartisan action against statism can also be a party mem~ ber. But we face an immediate, emergent need. The decisive millions are in neither party. And the machinery of one party has been captured on the national level by the statists. The real function of parties as legally organized groups is to serve the purposes of citizens. In many districts the parties provide the bus, the driver, and the maintenance men. Non partisan citizen action can and should furnish the passengers. The late President Lowell of Harvard said that parties are brokers. If public opinion favors this or that, the party will adopt this or that as its objective. The party should act as the means through which public opinion accomplishes its pur poses in government. It operates in the field of ideas as .a broker operates in commodities. It acts· as an agent without too much regard for the value or the nature of the product.

Its compensations are the perquisites and hOitors of office. A party should not be regarded as a creator of policy. It sepresents the results of a study of how people made up their minds to vote in 1940. The point made is that those who changed their minds were influenced not by newspapers, magazines, or radio, but mostly by personal contacts, often more or less chance contacts. 290 Understanding the Politician lects policies and ideas as its means of attracting' votes. If enough voters want a policy supported, and if under capable leadership a .considerable number' of them are organized to work inside and.' outside a. party, that party will adopt their policy. Understanding the Politician Since the citizen who engages militantly in .poHtical action must deal with professional. politicians of all sorts and condi tions, he should grasp clearly the motives, the personal char acteristics., and the manner of thinking of these complex but indispensable people. It would take volumes to explain the politician, and even after such an effort the conclusion would have to be registered that this species is almost as diversified as man himself. A few general hints, however, may be helpful to the novice in politics. In a most realistic study 5 of the ma"s ter politician Sir Robert Walpole, F: S.Oliver offers this gen eral statement: "To gain power, to keep it, and to govern-these are the special ~business of the politician, just as it is a working bee's business to make honeycomb and honey . . . if a politician., having gained power, should neglect to govern, and should dissipate his energies in an endeavor to do good in other .ways, he will certainly fail both in his endeavor and in his duty."

There is an unwritten code that imposes itself upon a pro- ' fessional politician, in part separated from the code-that gov erns his nonpolitical relations and to a degree detached from that which governs his conduct as a patriotic member of his nation~His job-his duty-is to win elections and to hold power as long as he can. He pursues this objective with devo5 The Endless Adventure (London: Macmillan and Company, Ltd.; 1931), P·3I. 291 Organizing for Freedom tion and often at great sacrifice of personal comfort, of mate rial gain, and of the personal relations that others regard as their prime concerns. Politicians can put the interests of party above that of country. Or to put it more charitably, if you will, they can conceive the interests of party and country to be identical. Considerations of complete frankness can be waived for political advantage. When there are erring party brethren, there may be in the politician's mind more than one interpretation of the meaning of being a brother's keeper. In dealing with facts, the politician is moved not by a desire to portray things as they are, but by the urge to pre sent them in a manner to move people to do this or that.

The citizen who enters politics may be constrained to re form the politician's code. If he should succeed, he will be doing what has never been done before. He is most likely to fail, and, for his pains, he will make resentful enemies. In any event,. we can leave these realities for consideration at some other time and seize upon another fact, also pointed out cogently by Oliver: If a politician would keep his followers loyal to him, he must be careful not to outrage their feelings of right and wrong. His course of action is therefore determined from the beginning by the morals of other people .... An artist, starving in a garret because he has ventured to outrage the public taste, may yet paint masterpieces; but political masterpieces can be made by a politi cian working in energetic partnership with a prevalent opinion. 6 This shrewd observation points squarely at the objective that citizen action sh?uld attain. For citizens so engaged may, without any danger of acquiring the occupational morality of politics, bend the· professionals' energy and interest to their side by winning a public following of their own and by shap ing a public opinion consistent with their ideals. They will then find ready acceptance and invaluable cooperation 6 Ibid., p. 31 • 292 What Level for Citizen Actiqn?

among the. politicians whose side they deci4e to support. This will' suffice to, satisfy the moral requirements of the moment. The recasting of traditional codes of the politician can wait for a more leisurely time. What Level for Citizen Action? '{ There can be ,no generalized, specific answer to this question. The answer in each specific case must depend upon the prac tical circumstances that confront those who initiate and lead citizens' movements. Limitations of acquaintance and re sources may make it advisable to begin with a city block or a township. The county may be.a practicable area. The Con.. gressional district not only offers a wide scope for action" but results there are directly measurable in terms of national in fluence. A citizens' movement in a Congressional district or a state should be subdivided into 'smaller geographical units. Leaders shoqld plan the geographical scope of their activi ties in line with the number and the area of residence of the voters they want to reach. In whatever area they select, they should have the'resources and a potential supply of'leaders and workers to reach every voter directly-to push every doorbell-and to learn something about every family. An at. tempt to organize in too large an area leads to spotty, imper fect work, the results of which are impossible precisely to 71n what follows, I have incorporated ideas aqdmethods gathered in a large number of states, districts, and localities. The general idea of citizen ac tion is' far from new. But in recent years, notably since, the advent of the Truman Fair Deal, there has been increasing evidence of a national trend toward citizen activity outside the parties. Some citizen's movements, as I have already noted, have been notably successful and have continued and expanded their efforts. Others' have been more or ,less impractical, impermanent, and visionary. Some have limited their, efforts to a get-out-the-vote campaign.

Others have covered a wider range of politic::alactivity, from active participa tion ,in selecting 'candidates to more or less formal alliances with one or the other party. And some have worked within the party framework with the definite purpose of capturing party control. 293 Organizing for Freedom measure. And when such a movement fails to have the stimu lus of some success, it is most likely to ebb away in discour ageJTIent. Perhaps the best rule is to divide and subdivide activities in line with the common interests of groups of voters. The geographical areas selected may not always be identical with such political subdivisions as counties, towns, wards, and pre cincts. In cities they may center in racial or religious groups, where there are homogeneous areas of that sort. They may be based on common economic ties, such as employment in specific plants or industries. In rural areas, it may be more convenient to work in such political areas as towns, town ships, or counties.

On the other hand, operations may be confined to special groups of le,aders. In recent campaigns, groups of leaders I . from specific businesses or professions have operated over a large area-groups comprising .lawyers, doctors, advertising people, automobile dealers, insurance salesmen, and others. In these cases the leader-workers have a specific clientele that .they can conveniently reach. In the Taft campaign in Ohio in 1950, where the opposi tion comprised various labor units, dozens of small organiza tions were formed to get out Taft voters in many areas, from single streets to counties and districts. What Ob;ective? We are concerned here with militant political action, which means positive support of specific candidates and policies and opposition to other specific candidates and policies. I am not concerned here with vague and generalized efforts to teach "good government," to clean up affairs in specific cities, coun ties, and communities, or to create and distribute educational 294 Some Blueprints and propaganda material. Such ,objectives are generally good and sound. But their consideration lies beyond the scope of this book.

'The first decision that must he made by any group intent' upon organizing militant political action is its objective. 1. Does it intend to keep itself independent of any legally constituted party organization but support the candidate or candidates of one or the other party? In short, will it co-oper ate. with a party without being identified with it?, ~. Does it intend to work within the legal framework of a party for the purpose of gaining party control? 3.. Does it intend to limit itself to a specific function, such as to get out the vote? It is very important to make this decision. For to confuse I the first and second of these' possible objectives will re~ult in misunderstanding, waste, and duplication of effort, and the ultimate weakening of both citizen activity and party respon sibility. The ideal of all effective ·citizen action -should be the , creation of responsible party government of such a character as to win the active and devoted support of many citizens.

Some Blueprints INDEPENDENT ORGANIZED POLITICAL ACTION Preliminary Organization. In an area of some size, such as a county, Congressional district, city, or even a state, small groups of twenty to thirty carefully selected men and women 'should first -be called together. Then the initiators can ex plain the need, purposes, and methods of action. Since mem bers of such groups have many contacts and connections through their businesses, clubs, clients, and the like, further meetings can be held by the initial" members. Such groups 295 Organizing for Freedom should later be called together in every strategic place in the area to be covered. 8 Since the members of such groups are generally quite in experienced in political activity, a process of education should begin with them. It is best to move slowly at first, un til complete understanding has been reached on,objectives, policies, and methods, and until adequate financing has been assured.

It is significant that some of the most successful citizens' organizations in this country have operated from the begin ning without a specified name, 'without a letterhead, without any formal officers. Perhaps nothing more than some such un pretentious name as "Citizens' Committee" is needed. The purpose of anonymity has been to frustrate opposition attack. In the preliminary movements of such a group it should be remembered that its strength will at first be overestimated by the opposition. Professional politicians· are panicky people. They rush into hostile counteraction. This must be antici pated and efIectivelymet with firm and rapid action by the citizens' group. A citizens' group must not start until it is ready, and then it must move fast. Expert Management. Those who initiate and control cit izens' organizations should themselves serve without compen sation, but they will find it essential to employ expert man agement. A businessman who started a highly successful movement says: "A political campaign is like a sales cam paign. The candidate and his principles must be 'sold' by 8 Scott Wilson, the successful manager of a citizens' movement in New Orleans, has this to say of the preliminary steps in setting up a citizens' group: "It is best to start with a small group first-say four business and professional men. Then have another meeting with the group enlarged to eight. Then twelve. But if for the next meeting twice that number is invited, maybe only fifteen will come. That may be because somebody is scaring off the early converts. It is best then to put the whole matter square on the line publicly and have a big meeting and get under way."

296 \ Some Blueprints word of mouth and by advertising. 'Sales' managers and divi sion managers direct routine 'salesmen' and hundreds of vol unteers." Top management and training talent should. be selected for genuine competence, .tact, and proven·· capacity in the work required. When it seems advisable, such people should be adequately paid. It is better to pay a good worker than to accept an incompetent volunteer. To payor ndt to pay de-, pends on circumstances that must be decided by-those who initiate and support thernovement. Successful movements have found it advisable generally to pay most. of their full time workers who must be employed over a period of months or years. Top staff workers should be neither public office-holders nor seekers for public office. When such personal interests are present, there is, a temptation to build relationships or organ izations to be used later for personal purposes. Moreover, re lations with a party are impaired by any suspicion. of self seeking.

Since a political movement is a militant effort to win an ob jective against entrenched opposition, its operations should be disciplined and under unified command. An expert man ager should be in command. The initiating committee should not cr()ss lines. It should work solely through the manager, just as a corporation's board works through its president.

Organizing for Freedom collecting contributions and pledges. This should be done by businessmen and others in the original group who can talk plainly to their friends and business associates. Too much money is just as dangerous as too little. The ap pearance of opulence may be deadly. In a citizens' group it antagonizes the political party. that is the object of its help. The public, however, is quick to penetrate any phony dem onstration of poverty. Tammany leaders have never lost the support of their followers by living well, dressing well, and assuming a reasonably dignified and forthright appearance of well-being. Perhaps the golden mean is an efficient, well equipped organization that is neither wasteful nor parsimo nious. The finances of a citizen's group must be competently and responsibly handled. Payment for party work should be forthright and strictly equitable. If a precinct needs five workers on election day, each of these workers should receive precisely the same pay and each one should know that ·the others are getting the same. Payments to workers should be made by the supervisory official in charge, and he should give headquarters a receipt for the money.

These details are vital. Money must not stick to the hands of intermediaries. It must not be surreptitiously given to anyone. For there are no secrets in the inner ~ouncils of poli tics~ Money should be paid at fair rates, and only for actual work performed. Payment for anything else is sowing drag on's teeth. Political organizations are notably erratic in matters of fi nance. Part of the time too much is spent, and the rest of the time there isn't enough to spend. Sound financial manage ment is essential, particularly in agroup whose main purpose is to work for better financial management in government .. A citizens' grou;p should scrupulously observe the law in collecting and spending money in political activities. Com petent legal advice and direction are essential to the staff of 298 Some Blueprints tbe group. It hardly needs to be stressed that the Federal as well .. asstatecor:rupf-practices laws should be studied and carefully complied .with. 9 Contr:ibutions to the Par:ty. A citizens' group must make it clear that it is not getting IP-0ney that otherwise would ,go to the political party whose candidate is getting support.

That sort of thing helped to wreck the Willkie campaign .in 194°· A clear understanding should be had with the official leaders of the party with which a citizens' group is cooperating. Since. the political party must employ precinct or township leaders who work to get out the party vote, who provide poll watchers, canvassers, and the like, som.e means must be found to help pay them whatever is allowed under the law. In aU these. matters of contact with the formal political party, liaison should be constantly maintained by the citizetls~ group through a political manager or agent. He can see that contributions really get to the people to whom they are due, and he can maintain friendly relations with. the party officers, the candidates, his manager, and others. GcttingGood Candidates. A primary task of a citizens~ group is to use every legitimate'me~ns to get good candidates to ruq. That is not easy. To Tun for Congress and to remain there is a formidable matter for anyone who has a successful business or profession that needs attention. And most people suitable for an important office have such obligations.

Even if elected, a person in political life has financial and ~ o~her obligations that are heavy. He must ordinarily depend on and get along with a political organization at home that may be sluggish, incompetent, indifferent,or worse. He gets 9 A memorandum on the Federal laws governing citizens' political groups appears as an Appendix, p. 337. The statements of law therein I believe to be accurate as of 1951, but they should be checked by any group using them for possible changes by··amendment or. judicial interpretation. 299 Organizing for Freedom little financial help in campaigns, poor publicity, tepid en couragement, and plenty of criticism. Moreover, there are al ways enemies' and rivals.at home working against him while he is struggling with his job in Washington. Citizens' organizations can help greatly in inducing better people to run and in helping good men who are running for, or are already in, office. And leaders of an organization can do a great deal to induce the official party to select or accept better candidates. The whole tone and character of public life, notably of Congress, can be immensely improved by the presence in districts and states of strong citizens' organiza tions, dedicated not to this or that special interest, but to sound, economical government and the traditional interests of the nation.

A citizens' movement that collaborates with an existing party organization can show the organization that it has real political strength, and thus can greatly influence the selection of candidates for Congress and other offices. Enlisting and Training Political Workers. When groups of leaders have been strategically placed in the area from which activity should fan out, when some money is .in hand and more is pledged, and when expert professional workers are employed, the preliminaries are completed. The second step is to get volunteer workers to make direct contact with voters. This can be done first by carefully going over the ward, precinct, town, and to,vnship election returns to see where work should be concentrated. It is important to recognize that the greatest need and opportunity for citizen action are in the spots where there has been the highest pro portion of stay-at-homes in recent elections.

Then the poll lists should be examined, by someone famil iar with the community, to find promising workers who appear to have views that harmonize with the purposes of the movement. Then the expert workers (part-time, paid or 300 Some Blueprints unpaid, according to the circumstances), should call on these people and enlist them for volunteer work. Then the volun teers should be trained. This training should be quit,e thorough. It should emphasize the importance of good gov ernment and good candidates. The relationship of the move ment with the party that is to be supported should be ex plained. Also, supplementary printed material should supply the facts about election· districts and divisions, registration, primaries, and elections. The laws governing elections, par ticularly with respect to legitimate and forbidden practices, should be taught. These volunteers should, above all, receive printed material·· to use among voters describing taxation, proposed. legislation, the trend to socialism and its dangers, and the nature and dangers of socialism elsewhere, notably in England.

If, after training, it appears that some of the trainees by lack of sympathy or by personality are unfitted to act as suitable workers, they should be dropped or employed in unimportant activities. As soon as a larger division such as a city, ward, or county has been equipped with groups of trained volunteers, there should be larger meetings of those volunteers in groups of two or three. hundred each. These meetings should be addressed by some informed and inspiring speaker, not necessarily a member of the citizens' group. The meetings should be social as well as educational. It would help to have ea~h volunteer contribute some small sum,. perhaps not over a dollar, to defray the expenses of the meetings. So far as possible, work ers should be encouraged to make the· movement truly their own, not a drive by some hidden supplier of money· and direction. Later, meetings of this sort, at whicli the candidate can be introduced to the volunteers,· should be held in each ward or county. Every volunteer should know the candid~teperson ally.

301 Organizing;for Freedom Above all, the candidate should be induced to write letters to volunteers from time to time, thanking them and telling them of the progress of the campaign. These volunteers should be the very heart of the move ment. They are the people who deliver the indispensable means of success-the voter who casts the right vote. And from their ranks will rise major leaders of the movement and eligibles for future public office. The people who initiate, support, and direct a citizens' movement can adopt, without impairing the integrity of their efforts, the very practical political principle of remem bering and in some manner rewarding those who have helped. Permanent records of the names and addresses and services of all wbrkers, paid and volunteer, should be kept. There is always the need to acknowledge and reward past service and to be prepared for the next campaign.

Publicity and Advertising. Candidates usually know lito tIe about means of getting publicity or about the nature of good publicity. Expert service is needed. Here the citizens' group can find and pay the right person, perhaps on the advice of advertising agency men or editors. It is almost always possible to get a skilled newspaperman or a public relations man. A political campaign has many of the characteristics of a commercial sales effort. The candidate and his attributes and views need advertising. His name, his face, and his right hand should be everywhere. The impression of success must be put over. Campaign "literature," various forms of paid ad vertising, outdoor advertising, press, radio, and television should be expertly prepared. This function might, with the consent of the party, be taken over by the citizens' group. It should be stressed that with the development of radio and television important new resources for campaigning are available. "Visual aids" are already in use that enable a 302 Sorne Blueprints candidate or worker to present his case' by records and pro jected slides. There are sound trucks equipped with phono graph'records and loudspeakers to carry. messages through the streets. Since routine party workers are usually' most backward in their adoption of new methods, a citizens' group can well vitalize campaigning with new ideas.

Expert advertising and publicity people, in' citizens' move ments as well as in party campaigns, have often wasted much effort and money in political advertising and' "literature" by pitching their tone on too lofty a scale. There is such a thing as too much "slickness." The mass of voters still think of politics in terms of torchlight parades; slogans, and other simple appeals. There is also ,a great distinction between the sort of printed material that goes well in cities and the sort that has an appeal in rural areas. The city dweller gets" more reading material than he can use. For country readers "liter ature" can be printed in smaller type, .it can be more volumi nous, and it should be written with less smoothness and not so much effort toward stylized prose. The farmer has more time to read such material. He has relatively fewer news papers and magazines. He will take a piece of campaign lit erature home, read part of it, put it aside 'and return to it £or further and more careful reading.

Between Elections. After the primary, as well as after the election, whether the outcome be successful or not, citizen leaders might well give a dinner meeting for the candidate ·and party heads. Such a meeting need not be given publicity. It would, however, be an investment in good will and perma nent friendly relations within the group and the party. There should also be post-election dinners, barbecues, picnics, or other forms of appreciation for party workers, especially for volunteers. . Various means should be devised between elections to 80S Organizing for Freedom maintain a spirit of permanence in the organization. A good political leader never rests between elections. Success re quires round-the-year care and attention to organization. Leaders should always remember that the next election is just around· the corner. After a successful election, it is of great importance to keep contact with and to help the winning candidates. Per haps the creation of a permanent citizens' advisory commit tee is the best way to. do this. A, newly elected official will be subject to the devoted attention of the professional politi cians whose interests will lie in what they get rather than in the success of the official. The citizens' group is concerned primarily with his success and with his adherence to its ideals.

The citizens' group can assist a Congressman or a member of a state legislature in many important ways. It can provide hiln with expert help in his job of contending with a mass of issues and legislation. It can keep his political fences at home in good repair. It can explain his actions and votes to the people at home and also keep him informed of conditions and the state of opinion at home. The preparation for the next campaign should begin im mediately after election. It can be taken for granted that the forces of opposition will be at work alienating voters and attacking the record as it unfolds. It should never be forgotten that the professional politi~ cian conceives it to be his duty to win elections and to gov ern. It is the citizen's duty to see that the right politicians govern and that they govern well. ACTION WITHIN THE PARTY FRAMEWORK A second type of citizen action operates in part within the party framework, with the objective of either taking over control of the party or vitalizing the party and influencing party policy and the choice of candidates. Such a movement 304 Some Blueprints exists in Texas. In various forms it is also found in a number of other places.

The· Texas movement, while it is a very positive force, has no formal name or precise organization. It originated in 1944 and was known then as the Texas Regulars. After the events of that year, when it almost gained complete party control, it assumed its present form and adopted its present strategy. It consists of a very large group of active and influential Tex ans, resident in all parts of. the state. Its leaders are well known to each other and to many other people "\vho are not members and participants. Its objective is the maintenance of our constitutional prin ciples and the curbing of socialistic trends in government. Needless to add, it -is opposed to President Truman's Fair Deal. Many of its members hold official positions on party committees. The major concern of these Texans is the election and maintenance in office of members of Congress and the state legislature who are, on domestic issues, consistently conserva tive. A majority of the Texas delegation in the U.S. House of Representa~ives answers to that description. The Texas legislature is definitely conservative. It maybe added that the voting records of. the two T e~as senators are conservative on dOlnestic issues.

The .activity of ·the Texas citizens' movement .has not, of course, been wholly responsible for this, but it has been very influential in stiffening the resistance of people in official life against radical policies. The movement is a practical and ever present force in state elections and party councils. Its presence gives assurance to members of both Congress and the state legislature that when they refuse to do the bid ding of powerful minority groups or the Federal machine they. will have strong backing at home in the next election. This Texas group has voluntary leaders in every large town and· city in the state. It seeks to stimulate active partici305 Organizing for Freedom pation in party politics, from the precinct level up. To that end, its workers and leaders try to instruct, in the legal and procedural facts of party life, people who are in sympathy with its conservative policies.

One of the original leaders of this Texas group has this to say of the methods employed to mobilize citizens in political activity: It is presumed that our staff and field leadership will be com~ pet~nt to do and instruct others how to do such basic jobs as explaining: (I) modus operandi of party politics and why it is' necessary for believers in constitutional government to control their own precincts; (2) why it is necesse:,.ryalways to attend their precinct conventions and to know personally the ,voting habits and leadership qualities of their neighbors in the precinct; (3) how to go about getting a list of qualified voters; (4) how to organize a pre-convention caucus among their friends, in their own homes for the purpose of planning business at their precinct convention and getting out the vote' of neighbors who will sup port their candidates and resolutions; (5) how togo about draw ing up the resolutions which should be presented at the precinct convention; (6) the importance of electing their own secretary and the giving of proper instructions to this secretary to make sure that the records of the convention are properly kept and safely transmitted, with adequate provision for duplicate attested set of records to remain with the secretary' until their group knows for sure that a probably unfriendly county political ad~ ministration cannot possibly throw out their vote or disqualify the candidates their group has elected; (7) the power of a postal card sent to the right people in the precinct (under some con~ ditions when there is danger in sending a postal card there should be sent a confidential letter); (8) the long-range impor tance of the precinct convention in selecting better candidates fpr county, state, and Federal offices.

It should be explained by the field workers that our perilous political situation today is simply the' result of the "middle interest group" letting the professional politicians run the' pre306 Some Blueprints cinct ··politicalconvention., It should be pointed out, as· one authority has estimated, that one vote in a precinct convention carries more real power than 2,000 votes in a general election.' It is the professional politician who wants to tax and tax, to spend and spend and to elect and elect. Our "niiddle-inter~~t group" has failed to carry the political responsibilities ofoiir forefathers who spent days and weeks riding on horseback and traveling in covered wagons to discharge their political respOnsi bilities.We have abdicated to the professional ward politician because it was too much trouble for us, we were too busydding something else-more important than freedom-usuaUy trying to make money, or because politics is often considered "dirty."

We have proved in this state that what the professional politi .. ciao· could do for his selfish, personal interest, we have been able completely to offset and supplant with a sound, good-government philosophy through out efforts. In 1951 the T~xas legislature passed a comprehensive re vision of the. primary, convention, and election law, which will greatly increase the influence of this group. The legisla tion was very effectively supported by the group and also by many other groups and individuals anxious to break the hold of the Federal machine. GET-OUT-THE-VOTE CAMPAIGNS All over .the nation during the past few years citizen groups of various. sizes and capacities have· been formed in political campaigns for the single purpose of getting Qut the vote. Most of these resolved, of course, to see that most of the votes that came,ollt should be favorable to their political and economic points of view. They decided to do ·something be sides talk about conditions. As Freeman Guerin of Colum- .

bus, who helped to form $uch a group, has put it: "Instead of wringing our hands, we decided that ringing door bells would be a more effective way in combatting this growing intrusion into our liberties." 307 Organizing for Freedom Mr. Guerin says further that the people who started the Columbus movement-named the Active Citizenship League-asked themselves at the outset three questions: Whose door.bell should be rung? Who should ring it? What would take place when the bell is answered? This is his answer to these questions: (1) Election Board statistics showed that roughly 50 per cent of those eligible to vote were not registered to do so. Closer study re vealed that the rnajorityof those not registered lived in political subdivisions where our opposition would find little sympathy for their political ambitions. Obviously, then, these areas should be concentrated on and an effort made directly to the individual to get him to register and vote. Consequently, certain considered political subdivisions within the county were singled out as the proper places in -which the doorbell ringing should take place.

(2) Who should ring the doorbell? There was no question in our minds but that the doorbell ringer should be a resident of the area or precinct in which the work of registration should be done. (3) How should we go about recruiting these volunteer work ers? This is the key to the success of our program and where, we believe, the Active Citizenship League is unique. In the first place, we solicited luembers in the League by interesting men of influence in our program and then had them interest five other men who, in turn, would enlist five or mor~ and so on. Each member thus acquired agreed to work in his own immediate neighborhood and interest his neighbor to the extent that he would be willing to help when called upon. Certain amplifica tions and refinements arose from this method as the membership spread and finally resulted in a nucleus of enthusiastic ward and precinct workers and organizers in the political subdivisions in which it was considered advisable to work.

There was then prepared an organization chart which de scribed the line of responsibility of workers down to the city block supervisor, with a detailed definition of the job assigned to each member of the working staff. Mr. Guerin says further: 308 Some Blueprints The organizational work was carried on to the point where there .was.a worker in almost every block in the precinct. Each worker was furnished with a list of the names of the unregistered persons in the area to which he was assigned. These names' were gotten from the records of the Board of Election. In so far as possible, the worker lived in the block .to which he was assigned. Under no circumstance was he asked to go beyond the confines of his own precinct. Meetings were held where they were properly schooled as to the most effective approach to be made at the time of .the call. A. sheet was used by the block worker for recording the results of his interview after which he returned it to head quarters for checking at the Board· of Election to determine whether or not a follow-up was needed.

The time between the close of registration and election day was used to good advantage in seeing to it that absentee ballots, sick ballots, etc. were attended to. These situations appeared· in the course ·0£ •the ·workers' calls and accounted for a great many votes that would have otherwise been lost. On election day the organization was used to get out the whole vote, complete with baby-sitter, transportation for ~ose who were in need of it, etc. This was considered an easy task by the workers who had gone through the rigors of registration. And this getting out the vote was really what paid off.,When the program was at its peak, we had about 800 doorbell ringers and leaders on the job. The results attained by the Active Citizenship League. in the 1950 election were impressive. This organization was op erating in the face of stiff competition with the C.I.O.-P.A.C. In the 222 voting precincts in which it operated, it was esti mated that it added 6,500 to the registration rolls. In its £01,low-up work, it succeeded in getting 85 per cent of those who were registered to vote. Their candidate, Taft, received 89 per cent of those votes. This, according to their claim, greatly exceeded the results attained by the C.I.O.-P.A.C. in the dis tricts exclusively worked by that organization.

If such an effort were multiplied many times in such a 309 Organizing for Freedom state as Ohio, and thousands of times in the United States, the political history of this country could be fundamentally altered. It is an excellent example of public spirit, energy, persistence, and capacity to organize. The Lessons There is no magic way to avoid the danger that we face. Fine theorizing about it, adorned with all there is of piety and wit, will not avail. The way to preserve liberty is to in duce American citizens to do their duty at the polls. The first lesson taught by every successful effort I have seen is that people in the mass ,simply will not perfonn this duty without leadership and organization. In plain tenns~ this means that somebody must take the initiative. This somebody must get the cooperation of other somebodies who are of like mind and spirit. These leaders must be moved by a genuine spirit of duty, pride, patriotism, impending danger, or what you will. They must not expect acclaim or glory. Rather, they must face many sacrifices of time, comfort, and peace of mind; for the way is arduous and wearisome, and the job is prosaic, generally uninspiring, and mostly thankless and barren. of direct reward.

When they have found that there are enough of them to begin, they must find the means and develop the skill to or ganize. It will be a long, long time before their first efforts reap a harvest at the polls. They must reach and move the sovereign American voter who, however glorified by politicians and poets, is in the ma jority of cases a politically lazy and careless fellow. In most places he must be induced to register, and after he does that he must be watched, and then induced to vote. And he must have pounded into him the facts that will make his vote pro ductive of results. 310 The Ultimate Need The 'leaders' in citizens' movements must keep everlast ingly at it, for one victory does not make a millennium. The fight for liberty is,unending. In the calendar of politics there ~re no holidays. '. It would be pleasant indeed to bring to the major point of this book the lurninoustone of inspirational verbiage. But that would not be keeping faith with thefacts. There is,how ever, the satisfaction of knowing that the job I am proposing to, men and women of spirit can be done and has been,done, and the way to keep our liberty is to get many others to join ,in doingit.

The Ultimate Need It'is probable that out of one or more successful local'citi zens' movements organized effective action will be extended throughout the nation. Left-wing organizations such as the C.LO.-P.a.C .. and the A.D.A. are at least nominally nation wide. It is idle to speculate on what exact form a similar organization with more conservative objectives' may take,! Perhaps there will be a process of amalgamation among local groups. Successful citizen efforts are already widely known and studied. In the main, these movements are concerned with national problems, arid their trend is toward national in~ fluence. After successful work in electing Congressmen and Senators, it is inevitable that in Presidential campaigns these groups, will lahor for the final election of a national admin istration favorable' to their aims.! 1 In the large cities voters generally know very little about any candidates, up to and including those who are running for Congress. Workers, therefore, cannot attempt to "sell" too many candidates to the voters on whom they' , caU. If they concentrate on candidates for the legislature and Congress, they will be reaching the main concern of the prospective voter, which is the making of laws, the .voting of money, and the levying of taxes. Experience has 311 Organizing for Freedom There are a nUlllber of groups working on a national level whose objective is to stimulate civic interest, participation in politics, and more use of the right to vote. There are also many agencies concerned with the distribution of literature of various sorts expounding conservative national ideals.

Other organizations are dedicated to the dissemination of conservative views by the spoken word at dinners, over the radio, and on various forums. It seems probable that ultimately there will be some sort of clearing organization through which these and many local groups might become better acquainted vvith each other. Such a clearing organization should provide blueprints for new local groups in the initial stage or organization. Since it is evident that the ultimate need is some sort of party realignnlent, all leaders of citizens' groups ''lith a con seIVative bent might well keep that objective in mind. Their influence in both parties can be very considerable. Party leaders are enormously responsive to any group or leader with an assured supply of potential votes. And since the political and economic objective of these conservative citizen groups should be a national conservative party, they can help break down the obstacles, especially in the Republi can Party, to such a consummation.

Unless this happens our parties will further disint~grate and for a time party chaos is likely to result. That may well be the moment when citizen leaders' may bring about the creation 'of a new, national conservative party. Local Action Is Needed Now The major need now, however, is to hold the line against Federal statism. Citizen action is essential here and now in shown that if a voter can be persuaded to vote for these legislative candidates, they will vote for other people on the same ticket, down to candidates for the lowest range and up to candidates for Governor, U.S. Senator, and President. 312 Local Action is Needed Now supporting conservative members of Congress from the Northand.South. It cannot wait for the slow evolution of party policy or for the creation of a new party or of nonparty machinery ,at the national level. It can and· should develop in villages, cities, counties, and Congressional districts. It should drive for the. winning of minor victories, for supply ing the· margin of votes n.eeded by candidates who meet its ideological specifications for members· of state legislatures, for governor, for Congress, and for the Presidency.

Above all, citizen. action should waste no· time speculating about or hoping for. a Presidential Moses to lead us out of the wilderness. Every citizen with capacity for leadership must be a Moses. For the wilderness is growing more dense and neglected with every passing day. Regardless of the outcome of the Presidential election in 1952, the activity of citizen groups should continue in the years ahead. If there is to be a continuation of the present r~gime, the need to hold the line in' Congress will be greater than ever~ If, on the other hand, a conservative wins the elec tion, he will need vital and active support in every corner of the nation. The fight for the preservation of liberty should be eternal, because the forces that threaten it are not created by this or that party or Administration. They are inherent in the complexities of human nature and in the relations of ,men with one another.

313 PART FIVE THE BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY . .