9. Leadership, Actual and Potential

One conclusion is that there has never been a moment, at least within the orbit of my own experience, when the think ing of the vast numbers of citizens whom I have described as those who share the middle interests has been so out of line with and. critical of the prevailing philosophy and compe tence of the two major parties. A great numberof these peo258 A PersonalNote pIe want to do something about what they know is happen ing to their savings, their hard-earned tax money, and their economic and political liberty. Some of these people are already starting to do something at the local and state level, but they need more advice, guid~ ance, and leadership. A second conclusion is that the results of the 1950 election clear ly showed a disposition of voters to take matters in their own h~nds. The Korean War, diplomatic blundering, and military miscalculations were powerful factors. But the drift toward statism was also an important issue. The candidates who individually and forcefully presented these issues did very well, with or without effective party organization. That was notable in the Senatorial contests in California, Utah, Il linois, and Ohio. In those states, there was, outside the Re publican Party, aggressive citizen action for the successful candidates, and that help unquestionably turned the tide.

~any, perhaps most, voters made their choices on the basis of personalities and issues rather than party loyalty. A third conclusion is based on what I learned from people, not active party members, who took part in primary and elec tion campaigns in a dozen or more states in 1950. They were unanimous in asserting that they· should make no effort to set up a national nonpartisan organization before the election in 1952. They were firmly convinced that they could work more effectively in 1952 gathering people together on local levels in support of party candidates for the Senate and the House, North and South, Democratic and Republican, with addi tional effort in support of a conservative candidate for Presi dent. It was their opinion that convinced me that the crea tion in the near future of a conservative A.D.A. or P.A.C. at the national level would be a mistake. The A.D.A. and the P.A.C. in 1950 actually did their cause more harm than good, because they gave their statist principles and policies "a habitation and a name," thus "something to shoot at."

259 Leadership, Actual and Potential From this, I drew another conclusion: that there should be very energetic efforts to create citizen groups on the state, dis trict, and local levels. These groups might work without spe cific names or adopt some innocuous name merely to hold their members together. There is already plenty of specific experience to provide blueprints for such local efforts. I might, if it seemed neces sary, heavily burden this chapter and the next with lists of examples of such activities in past primaries and elections. But because there are so many patterns of action and such varying degrees of success, the effect of such a catalogue would be to confuse and frustrate. I am therefore limiting myself to generalized comlnent based on the practical experience of many groups, with only a few specific examples. These hints may be useful to supple ment the effort of leaders to improvise methods for meeting specific conditions in specific communities, districts, and states.

The Essential, Decisive, Elective Offices It will be clear to those who have followed my discussion to this point that American liberty can be preserved and socialism can be avoided by electing to public office leaders who are capable of shaping policy. In the determination of policy some elective offices are essentially decisive. Others are not. Members of the Congress of the United States hold offices of the first importance in determining policy. The co ordinate office of President is vital. And experience has taught us the potential importance of the Vice President. Next in order are the governors of the states, not only be cause so many go to the Senate or the Presidency, but because they playa vital part in shaping state policies. Finally, there are the state legislatures. Many other public elective offices 260 The Indispensable Citizen are important to a political party. But the foregoing are paramount. And for the immediate purpose of stemming the statist tide, the Congress and the Presidency should come first in any conservative plans. The election of· the right people to these offices and the defeat of the wrong people are what I have in mind in this and the next chapter-in fact, throughout this book.

I am not concerned here with "good" citizenship generally, with municipal or county government, or with the details of government housekeeping. These are important but not of first importance. The preservation of free institutions comes first. The Indispensable Citizen The durable fame of Machiavelli rests upon much more than his cynical description of how a prince gained and kept his power in sixteenth-century Italy. Many of his comments on statecraft and military· affairs in addition to those in The Prince were for his time revolutionary, but sound and of en during value. He argued in his Discourses on Livy' that the people were wiser and more constant than rulers, that repub lics were more to be trusted than principalities, and that the faults of the people were generally derived from the faults of their rulers. There are two other pieces of wise advice from the famous Florentine which apply to my argument here. The first is that while people as isolated individuals, haunted by fear and distrustful of each other, freely sell their liberty to a ruler who promises security, the same people bound together in a common cause reveal invincible courage and audacity.

Another lesson can be learned from Machiavelli's clas sical military maxim that the safety of states must depend upon citizen armies. He reviewed with a mind sharpened by 261 Leadership,Actual and Potential experience the dangers and weakness in mercenary and pro fessional military forces and drew a conclusion that has since become a fundamental policy of modern nations. An army re cruited from the ranks of citizens is best. From this, a sound rule of political action can be derived. Free people cannot safely entrust the operation of their political machinery to· professional politicians. The business ma~ who acquits himself of personal responsibility by merely giving money to a political organization and the poor man who gives his vote to a boss for gratitude, protection, or the hope of security are virtually employing mercenaries to fight their political battles and to run their government.

There is thus created a class of politicians who acquire a vested interest all the.ir own. They reveal a selfish urge for profits, for power, and for their own official perpetuation. Their concern is not the public interest; it is their political organization's interest. Despite pious protestations, this inter est is usually quite independent of and in conflict with that of the nation, the state, or the community. In a group of machine politicians there is a body of loyalty to the machine, with priority over that owed to the city, state, or nation. Based upon that loyalty, there operates a code of ethics that is apart from, and often antagonistic to, the stand ards that govern the general relations of individuals. In 1949, a candidate for mayor of the city of New York was·offered to the people as vote-bait, although it was clear to those who saw beneath the surface that he had no intention of serving his term. As it happened, he did not. Also, in 1944, Demo cratic leaders urged Roosevelt to run, although, according to James A. Farley and many others who knew the facts, they were sure that the President was a dying man. He was .their choice because he could save the ticket. The safety of the na tion was a matter of lesser or of no importance.

The lesson of this is the need for the citizen's participation 262 In the Field of Public Opinion in politics. Citizens should not "hire" someone to care for their political interests. In the Field of Public Opinion THE PRESS AND RELATED ORGANS OF OPINION The only members of that immense and diversified inter est known .as the press which enjoy independence are those who receive their support from the public generally, in the form of the sale of their product and of advertising. A news. paper, magazine, radio or television station that is dependent on a subsidy is not free, no' matter how worthy its purpose may be. It is dedicated to a specific point of view. Its opinion is a labeled product. If it is supported by a special interest, it furthers that interest. If it is supported by an "angel," its opinions must conform measurably to those of its angelic master. Thus, the preservation of a free press is utterly dependent on a free economy. When its major financial support comes from advertising, the press must sell its space impartially in a system of competitive business enterprise. The greater the competition, the mor~ ample will be the field of sales. A newspaper or magazirie must submit itself to a public vote of confidence every time it rolls off the press. And the adver tiser, if he expects to stay in business, is concerned not so much with his personal preference for this or that newspaper or magazine as he is with the number and character of the people who buy and read it.

The faults of the press are open and palpable, and they have been freely exploited. But when the critics propose rem edies, they usually suggest a form of public or private subsidy or more government controL, They have not yet found a prac ticable substitute for what they call a "commercial" press. 263 Leadership, Actual and Potential The vital relationship between free enterprise generally and a free press is recognized by the press itself. For an over whelming proportion of the American press has ceaselessly opposed the growth of statism and of Federal power over the past two decades. The fulminations against the press by Presi dent Truman and by his predecessor have not injured it or denied it public support. True, Presidents and hundreds of lesser political office holders have shown time and again that they can win elec tions despite the opposition of a large part of the press. But the press has survived and will outlive its present-day critics.

For the fact that an electoral majority refuses to follow the editorial advice of the press is no proof that the press per forms no useful purpose in expressing its opinions. A politi cal party may lose a series of elections and still, by its opposi tion, preserve the very essence of free government. The value of an opinion is not lost through a defeat at the polls. The es sential purpose of the press is not to organize voters and win elections. It is to inform, to criticize, and to provide news, and thus to serve people in and out of government. The tendency, so generally deplored by critics, toward con solidation and therefore a decline in the number of daily newspapers, especially in the larger c.ities, has served the in terests of liberty. Consolidation has resulted in more stable and solvent newspapers. Such newspapers are more able to re sist pressures from minorities, from special business interests and from government. Nothing invites corruption more than weak and impoverished newspapers. A big paper that enjoys a "monopoly" in the morning or evening field must appeal to the generality of interests of the people, and nothing is more generally to be sought than liberty. Moreover, there is in large and profitable newspapers a capacity to provide more information, better reporting, and more diversified opinion.

This is a net educational gain. The value of the press as an agency of education in domes264 In the Field of Public Opinion tic politics has been limited since the outbreak of the war in Europe in 1939 by the heavy emphasis on news of war and foreign affairs. This has made it more and more difficult to provide a forum for debate on serious national issues. This shift in emphasis has also been notable on the radio. Political news in newspapers and magazines as well as on the radio has been to a considerable degree colored by the left-wing and radical opinions of many members of the work ing press and of radio commentators. Opinion thus subtly presented is very effective. When pre sented on the editorial page or signed by responsible com mentators, opinion can be read and evaluated as such. But opinion inserted in biased news accounts is difficult to detect. The reader, moreover, is unable to identify and judge the value of its source.

To a degree, the responsibility for this has been due to the growth of the Newspaper Guild, which, according to its pub lic pronouncements, has been and is not only an organization dedicated to the improvement of the working conditions of its members, but a· vital political agency dedicated to statist policies. Despite its faults, the press still fulfills its mission in the history of liberty. Without it, any effort to mobilize citizen action nationally against the entrenched power of a machine in officewould be hopeless. CONSERVATIVE AGENCIES FOR RESEARCH, EDUCATION, AND PROPAGANDA There are dozens of privately supported agencies actively engaged in promoting free economic enterprise and in dis tributing general information favorable to free institutions. Some sponsor various sorts of programs on the radio and else where. Some distribute books. It is obviously impossible here to list these agencies, for their number is very large, their methods diversified, and 265 Leadership, Actual and Potential they vary immensely in size and financial support. Nor is it possible to evaluate the results they attain, for their bread is scattered on many waters.

There are, in addition, innumerable business organizations and trade associations operating at national, state, and local levels which influence public opinion. Their material is also available for citizens' movements. The case against statism has been effectively made many times in the printed and spoken argument put out by these. agencies. It is quite probable that a majority of Americans are already convinced. The need remains, however, to bring ar guments down to the immediate concerns of the individual voter, to repeat and repeat the arguments in different ways and with many homely examples, and finally, through per sonal contacts, to get the voter to act. The persuasion of voters is a matter of trial and error. No . one, however scientifically equipped he may be, can fully an ticipate the specific arguments that will prove effective. They must be tested in the give and take of a campaign and modi fied in the light of experience.

The major service of the' agencies described above is to provide leaders in local movements with material that they can adapt for their own campaigns. 1 Potential Personal Leadership SOURCES OF LEADERSHIP Since our liberty is endangered by the political apathy of immense numbers of American citizens, it is important to 1 An excellent example of how this can be done is provided in the activities of The American Economic Foundation, of which Fred G. Clark is the founder and the moving spirit. Its literature brings the fundamental prin ciples and practices of economics down to the immediate day-to-day concerns of the worker and the consumer. Economics is presented within the frame work of the individual's own "job security." Its aim is to get economics dis cussed "on buses, on street corners, in the lunch ,rooms and taverns." 266 Potential Personal Leadership know where this apathy is greatest. It is also important to know where political activity is now most likely to be found.

An exceedingly interesting contribution to answers to these questions is a study by Julian L. Woodward and Elmo Roper, entitled "Political Activity of American Citizens." 2 ' In this study, political activity was defined in five cate gories: (1) voting at the polls, (2) supporting possible pressure groups by being a member of one or more of them, (3) personally com municating directly with legislators, (4) participating in political party activity and thus acquiring a claim on legislators and (5) engaging in habitual dissemination of political opinions through word-of-mouth communications to other citizens. Questions covering these points were submitted to a na tional cross-section of 8,000 persons. The general result showed the following percentages: Percentage of Total Sample Qualifying Voting: . Once or more in last four years 75 Three times or more 47 Fixe times or more 21 Discussing Public Issues with Others: Discusses frequently and takes an equal share in the conversation 21 Discusses frequently and usually tries to convince others he is right 6 Belonging to Organizations That Take Stands on Public Issues: Belongs to one or more such organizations 31 Belongs to two or more 7 2 The American Political Science Review, Vol. 44, NO.4, December 1950~ PP·87 2-85· 267 Leadership, Actual and Potential Percentage of Total Sample Qualifying Written or Talked to Congressman or Other Public Official to Give Own Opinion on a Public Issue: One or more times in past year Two or more times in the past year Worked for Election of a Political Candidate in Last Four Years: Contributed Money to a Party or Candidate in Last Four Years: 13 7 11 7 Assuming the correctness of the sample cross-section, one point is very clear: only a small percentage of our people take part in operating our political machinery.3 Therefore we do not have "popular" government. The next question is: "What kinds of people are more active than others?" The Woodward-Roper study gives this answer: AMOUNT OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY EXHIBITED BY VARIOUS SUB-GROUPS IN THE POPULATION Percentage Witl:zin Each Sub-Group Who Are Politically Very Active Sub-Groups "A" economic level 36 Execu tives 34 Professional people 31 Stockholders 28 College-educated 24 "B" economic level 24 Republicans 15 ~en 13 People 50 years of age and over 12 People 35-49 years 11 3 This suggests why a citizen who chooses to be active in politics can exer cise influence far beyond his own vote.

268 Potential Personal Leadership AMOUNT OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY EXHIBITED BY VARIOUS SUB..GROUPS IN THE POPULATION (Continued) Percentage Within Each Sub-Group Who Are Politically Very Active "e" economic level White people Farmers Independents in politics Total adult population People with only high school education Democrats Non..stockholders Women People 21-34 years of age Laboring people Housewives People· with only grade school education Negroes "D" economic level 11 11 11 10 10 9 9 8 8 8 6 6 5 5 3 The authors do not tell us the basis of the "A," "B," "C," or "D" classifications. Presumably, they are based on incomes or on equivalent economic factors. The authors caution us·to note that while a much smaller percentage of "D's" than "A's" are politically active, there are many more "D's." The very active group is made up of 13 per cent "A's," 23 per cent "B's," 54 per cent "C's," and 10 per cent "D's."

The study analyzes the activity of four types of political af filiation in the sample. Thus, the degree of activity among Republicans is greater, despite their inferiority in numbers in the sample. But the crux of the situation is in the "independent" and the "know nothing" groups. The "independents" should b~ the objec tives of those who would win elections. They are, as we see, 269 Leadership, Actual and Potential Percentage of Percentage of Total Sample Very Active 29 43 44 38 16 16 Republicans Democrats Independent Others, Don't Know and No Answer 11 3 fairly active, but unwilling to be listed as orthodox party members. They are also afflicted with apathy, and public ap athy is the greatest asset, the very life blood, of those who are already in office.4 To avoid any misconception of the foregoing study, it should be clearly understood that, while the degree of politi cal activity is higher in the "A" and "B" groups, they are nu merically so small that their efforts are overwhelmed by the great numbers in the "C" and "D" groups. Thus, the efforts of those in the "A" and "B" groups must be greatly increased to overcome their inferiority in numbers. They must also di rect their attention to the education and activation of as· many as possible of those in the "C" and "D" groups. Indi vidually, they are doing more, but nevertheless the percent age of the politically active among them is alarmingly small.

MILLIONS OF POLITICALLY IMPOTENT SALESMEN One of the most remarkable aspects of the current Ameri can political situation is the political impotence of those who 4 An important conclusion from the foregoing study is that new voters, hitherto politically detached and indifferent voters, and, what is also very important, people who live in new neighborhoods need the appeal of new types of leadership. The prospective recruit must first be won over to some. effort to achieve nonparty objectives in his own neighborhood, such as an "improvement association" or a "Main Street merchants' association." He must cont~nd with the reluctance of the old leaders to move aside and make room for new and younger leaders. Any organization should provide an avenue for the promotion of new leaders, "coming men." In a political organization fail ure is commonly due to this lack of opportunity for new leaders. The po tentialleaders of each new generation must see room at the top.

270 PotentialPf3rsonalLeadership have the greatest capacity to sell goods and services. In nor mal times· increase in demand is maintained by salesmanship_ This makes possible more mass production, lower prices, abundant employment, and a high standard of living. From the clerk in a country store to the heads of the great advertis ing agencies of the nation,. millions of Americans are selling their goods because they can make people believe in them. They take billions of dollars from the public in exchange fot their products. Salesmen know the home life, the likes and dislikes, the preferences and prejudices of their customers, with whom they have invaluable personal contacts. But all over the land demagogues and self-seeking politicians are sell ing. bad ideas to the very people to whom these salesmen are selling a variety of goods, from life insurance to shoelaces. The salesman operates in the center of a free capitalist economy. His success depends on his customers' freedom .of choice, free competition, and stimulated demand. Socialism is his deadly enemy. Under a planned society, people would get exactly what government decided they should get~no more, no .less. Salesmen should help check statism before it reaches the point of no return or they, like Othello, will find their occupation gone.

This sales power should be applied to effective political ac tion. These people should learn the art of selling sound po litical principles as well as goods. Salesmen learn by trial and error and gradually develop their art in conformity with their personal capacities and traits. One will approach his prospect armed with reason and facts. Another will win through a spirit of good will and a shrewd use of flattery. One will force the issue directly and quickly, while· another will use indirection and infinite pa tience. One insurance agent will sell a life policy by portraying the tragedy of unanticipated· death; another will portray the mental peace of preparedness. Hence, few.specific rules can he laid down for the·salesman 271 Leadership, Actual and Potential in politics. He must use his judgment as intelligently as he does in selling goods. He must understand the effect of his personality on those whom he would influence. And most of all, he must realize that in politics a face-ta-face contact with a prospective voter is the most potent means yet known of ex ercising influence. As a beginner in politics he will enjoy learning how to meet the new and diverse human situations that will confront him.

As in selling goods, the important thing in politics is to win confidence and to be believed. One politician said to another, after a disastrous defeat in New York City: "We had a won derful case. By all odds the better case and the better candi date. But they didn't believe us." Automobile dealers and salesmen who sell millions of units a year and service other millions are important in the life of their communities and of outlying regions. They know many people and, what is more, they know those vital things about those people which enable them to appraise them as poten tial buyers. They operate in a keenly competitive atmos phere, but when they are trying to elect sound and intelligent public officials, they can work together despite their competi tion in business. In several states in 1950 the influence of au tomobile dealers was very important. In Utah, many of them organized among themselves in support of the Republican .Senatorial candidate, Wallace Bennett, who incidentally was himself an automobile dealer.

Potentially important also are the farm-implement dealers who represent nationally known companies. There are also dealers in the oil products of many com p~nies. Consider also the immense potential influence of insurance agents. Their business brings them into every household, and the iI).terests of their companies and of themselves are clearly in line·with sound, economic, and fiee government. A large number of these salesmen operate as free agents, businessmen in their own right, although they represent and 272 PotentialPersonalLeadership sell the products of nationwide companies. Surely those com panies should place no restrictions upon the political activi ties of these agents. For the companies' vital interests as well as those of the country are involved .. Some, in fact, would view such activity with genuine approval. The salesman need not fear the loss of sales by a judicious use of political persuasion. For there are ways of persuading people that are more effective than argument. The salesman can serve his customer well if in a friendly manner he con veys sound advice far beyond that which concerns the excel lence of his goods. The salesman and his manager have a com mon interest with the customer in a sound economy.

ADVERTISING MEN AND WOMEN The advertising business exists because people demand freedom of choice in buying what they need and want. It does more than offer varieties of products to desirous cus tomers. It also creates the desires that lie behind demand. Be cause it is the means of creating as well· as of meeting de mand, it has performed a major role in building America's miracle of mass production. Not .only is the business of advertising essential to our American economic system, but advertising men and women have a vital reason for maintaining it. There is no lack of ap preciation of this among the members of the business. Im mense amounts of talent and money have been devoted to the interpretation of, and arguments for, a free economy. Many advertising men have taken active parts in political campaigns. The specialized talents of the advertising profession have great political potentialities. These have already shown them selves in the promotion of the basic ideal of economic liberty.

The great, need is to channel advertising talents directly into political activity. Creating public opinion is important. But 273 Leadership, Actual and Potential to deliver the votes is essential. This large group is a most promising source of help in creating, aiding, and directing citizen action. THE BUSINESSMAN'S CHOICE Business management is a widely inclusive term. It refers not only to those responsible for general direction and con trol, but to those engaged in hundreds of specialized ac· tivities, including production, selling, and research. 5 There is a theory, altogether too prevalent, that "business and politics don't mix." The concept behind this is that since business ministers to all, regardless of political distinctions, it is inappropriate for people in business to engage in active politics. There might have been some validity in this' theory long ago, when government had only limited functions, when it was· managed largely by lawyers and professional politi cians, and when business was largely unaffected by party changes. In those days it was believed that when a business man participated in politics he lost customers and neglected his business. It was taken for granted that the businessman must be outwardly neutral in politics.

But government now touches business on all sides. Politi cal decisions profoundly affect economic life and condition almost all business decisions. The businessman must under stand political as well as economic processes. Moreover, in the present choice of ideologies, which must be resolved in the political arena, the businessman is faced by the plain issue of self-preservation. He must, through political action, protect the system under which his business operates or he will ulti mately lose the control of his business altogether. This is true for every type and size of business. 5 In the next chapter there are set forth some specific suggestions for businessmen, based on the experience of some of them in political activity. It suffices in this chapter to consider some of the factors that have limited the usefulness of businessmen in politics. 274 Potential Personal Leadership Another deterrent to the activity of business managers in politics is a widely held belief that political activity should be delegated to specialists. A company, for example, employs a public relations man and vests in him certain responsibili ties, which usually include political and governmental rela tions. There is, of course, room for specialized public rela tions. But the top managers of a business can no more delegate all political relations than they can delegate all functions of thinking, eating, or sleeping.

Nor can they delegate their political responsibilities to a political party by occasional cash contributions. This is as. naIve as the idea that to contribute to a missionary society is to buy the way to Heaven, or that a gift to the Community Chest relieves a company of the responsibility for the welfare of its employees. Politics sorely needs the fine judgment and intelligence, as well as the money, of business managers. Still another factor that deters businessmen from political activity is·the widespread belief that the businessman is inept and incompetent in politics. His mental processes, it is held, do not fit the subtleties of political action. The prevalence of this view overcomes the busine~sman with a sense of futility. He yields to his fears and stays aloof. There are solid reasons for his· reluctance. Politics largely deals with what seems to be true rather than what is true, with what people can be induced to believe rather than what is the truth. In business calculations two· and two must be four. Two and two in politics are what people can be made to believe they are.

Professional politicians have discouraged businessmen from developing an interest in politics. The professionals want to keep things in their own hands. Finally, there is the bitter fact that demagogic attacks upon "business" during the past two decades have· taken their toll. They have prej udiced people against business in govern ment. And they have driven the demoralizing belief into 275 Leadership, Actual and Potential many businessmen that, since they have been depicted as pa riahs, they will actually impair public confidence in whatever they join. This reluctance will pass as more businessmen brave the rigors of politics and win public confidence by their activity in politics or in office. The example of Wallace Bennett of Utah, a past president of the National Association of Manu facturers, in winning a Senatorship in that state against an en trenched politician should go far to dissipate the concept of the businessman as a political pariah.

With some practice the businessman can acquire the im portant political art of public speaking. In the British Parlia mentary campaign in 1950, Lord Woolton was, I thought, next to Churchill the best Conservative speaker. Lord Woolton demonstrated another important service that a businessman can bring to organized political action. He understands organization, for he has great executive abil ity. Lord Woolton directed the building up of the machinery of the Conservative Party in preparation for the 1950 and 1951 campaigns, and he did a magnificent job. The Conser vatives excelled the Labour Party in the direction of hun dreds of constituency campaigns, and in the quality of their propaganda and their speeches. Of all human activities, political campaigns probably re.p resent the low mark in efficiency and economy. In large part this is due to the fact that politicians generally have little ex ecutive ability. Their· mental processes lack the precision es sential to comprehensive planning. No one talks so much of planning as do politicians. Few do so little planning.

Here is where businessmen have a genuine contribution to make. The gap between business objectives and political objec tives is not so great as it may seem. Business, too, is concerned with making people believe things, with presenting facts at tractively and persuasively. 276 Potential Personal Leadership The businessman should realize that in politics the best protection is usually attack. In politics, strangely enough, the man in front who is throwing punches is least likely to get hurt. His opponents will usually resort to attack at the flank or the rear. They will put pressure on his more timid follow ers, on the bank that lends money to· his business, on the un ion to which his employees belong. It is the fearsome, the re luctant,. the timid warriors who can be "handled." A final· word might be helpful to rekindle· the courage of those businessmen who have seen politicians make a whip ping-boy of "business" for many years and who are obsessed with the belief that businessmen are unpopular. Politicians have invested a mythical creature called "business" with all the sins of a small minority of businessman. It is a hackneyed expression but a true one that the. sins of the few are not the responsibility of the many, especially in such a vast and di verse area as business.

This is recognized by the common sense of most people. They may listen to denunciations of "business," but they like and trust individual businessmen. Despite the confidence of demagogues that prejudice can always be effectively created by attacking the prosperous and successful businessman, there lies in most people a fundamental respect for the man who can be so described. His economic position offers assnr.. ance that he· does not have to steal the public's money and that he has little or nothing to gain in politics. It lies within the capacity and province of businessmen to increase this re spect and confidence. 6 6 A businessman in a successful citizens' movement suggest the· following functions that businessmen should perform in a similar organization: "First they should provide most of the finances. Next, they should be heavily con cerned in the creation of the organizational machinery in campaigns. They should fully participate in the delicate relations with the political party with which cooperation is desired. They should have a hand in selecting candi dates. And they· are essential in selecting paid workers for publicity, advertis ing and the training of other paid workers and volunteers. They should participate, perhaps in a less important way, in formulating campaign litera ture, slogans and research:' 277 Leadership, Actual and Potential THE LAWYER'S ROLE In the first half of our national life, the legal profession held almost a monopoly of leadership in politics and govern ment. Since then, the political influence of lawyers has de clined. It ~s still potent, however, and in a citizens' movement it is indispensable. Lawyers' training in the principles of pol itics and jurisprudence, their understanding of law, their training in dialectic and public speaking are their major con tributions. The jury lawyer, moreover, knows how to pitch his appeal to all sorts and conditions of people-to explain, move, and persuade.

The slant of mind of lawyers, despite many contemporary exceptions, is conservative. Stare decisis still prevails in their training .. Moreover, in private practice many of them serve businesses and individuals whose interests are opposed to statism. In private practice, as distinguished from govern ment service, their personal interest is in freedom from gov ernment control. In socialist England there was persistent pressure to "socialize" the profession. That· danger is defi nitely latent here. Lawyers thus have not only a moral re sponsibility, but this special concern in protecting their profession. AWAKENED DOCTORS These hitherto nonpolitical people have been hurled into public controversy by the threat of government medicine. They are alerted recruits. The organized efforts of their professional associations have already trained them in the arts of political action. In recent elections their influence in many places has been ef fective, and in some places decisive. They must learn, how ever, that freedom is indivisible. Private medicine cannot be saved alone. The doctor must generalize his struggle. His use278 PotentialPersonalLeadership fulness in citizen action is very great, for his concerns reach every type of citizen. He must .. learn to prescribe sound po· litical ideas as well as medicine.

While over the past few years there has been a great in~ crease in the political activities of doctors and dentists, there are already ominous signs that this interest is subsiding. It is essential that their leaders keep them awake to the danger to their professional interests and to their concerns as citizens in statist policies. There will be no. abandonment by statist poli. ticians and others of the intent to take the medical profession into the custody of government. It is· a primary objective of socialism here, as it was in Britain. ' UNDERRATED WOMEN In political activities the usefulness of women is distinctive on two grounds: greater opportunity for leisure has enabled many of them to read more about public issues than their husbands and brothers; and the average married woman of thirty-five and over ini the middle or higher income groups has more time to spare for political. work ..And, what is also important, they are often able to contribute not only time but money.

The proportion of women who. complete high school and college has greatly increased in the past gene~ation. Ulti mately, their formal educatibn will exceed that of men. And I can testify, after many years' experience in teaching govern ment and politics to college men and women, that the capac ity of women to comprehend the realities of politics is fully equal to that of men. It should be added that the amount of property poss'essed by women grows relativ~ly larger. Since so much of this is in the form of savings and inheritances, their stake in the pres ervation of· the kind of government that will protect their property is tremendous. 279 Leadership~ Actual and Potential In political activities, women are likely to put more emo tional drive into their efforts than are men. The testimony of political managers indicates that women in the field and in the office work harder and produce more results than do men in .the same jobs. Moreover, women are more likely to do with speed and enthusiasm the prosaic jobs, such as address ing and stuffing envelopes and making house-ta-house calls.

Such jobs are the very life blood of successful campaigning. If women feel that the cause is good, they will conquer bore dom and fatigue to get the mechanical work done. In several instances of citizen action on local and district levels in the past few years, women's capacity to participate seems to have been overlooked by the businessmenib chCl:rge. This is a great mistake. Responsible and able women and their many club connections should be fully utilized. 1 TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS Since education to a large degree is a recognized function of government, the enlisting of teachers and others concerned with education in politics presents a special and delicate problem. Political activity is largely proscribed in tax-sup ported schools. This, of course, does not apply to educators employed in privately supported schools. In the public schools at the elementary and secondary lev els, teachers are, like most white-collar workers, confined to salary ranges that make them the first victims of inflation.

But since their salaries are paid from tax collections, teachers 7 Scott Wilson, veteran of many campaigns in the South and manager of two s~ccessful campaigns of reform Mayor Morrison in New Orleans, says this of the value of women in political campaigns: "Women's vote-their activity in Independent Voters League, etc.-is frequently the balance of power. As former Mayor Maestri of New Orleans said: 'Dem skirts beat me.' I've seen society women precinct workers stand down and rout tough political bosses. Their endless love of argument is something near impossible to cope with at the polls-where coming and going voters only get flash impressions. &gic gets lost in wordiness in political debate-by women. God love 'em." 280 Potential Personal Leadership are likely to look to government rather than to private sources for .relief. School board members, trustees, and direc tors of higher educational institutions should understand that a low-salary policy that thrusts a heavier and heavier burden on teachers will drive its victims into movements an tagonistic to free enterprise. The most effective way to enlist the members of the teaching profession on the side of the middle interests is to provide them with salaries and working conditions commensurate with those prevailing in private business. For these teachers .shape the attitudes of the grow ing generation for or against traditional liberties. Theinflu ence of teachers, directly and indirectly, upon parent voters must not be overlooked. 8 WAGE EARNERS I have already pointed out 9 the great shift in political out look of wage earners since their incomes ·have moved upward among the middle groups. This suggests the increasing possi bility of enlisting wage earners and their wives in citizens' political movements. Above all, such political activity, even when originated by business leaders, should seek a cross-sec tion of all interests. Even such political action organizations as the C.I.O.-P.A.C., sponsored by union leaders, have ener getically proselyted many groups other than wage earners.

There is nothing exclusive about their membership. No ex clusiveness should be permitted in a citizens' movement. It should be as broad in its base as a national political party professes to be. Great numbers of wage earners still fail to realize how rapidly they have moved up in the economic scale relative to other groups. They can be apprised of this without offense to them. Moreover, the few who do.appreciate their 8 A SoUthern politician makes this wise comment: "Country school bus drivers bring to the home more than kids in lots of rural areas." 9 See Ch. III. 281 Leadership,Actualand Potential great stake in conservative government. policies can become useful exponents of these vital economic facts among their fellow workers. FARM LEADERS Farmers, once the embodiment of individualism, have shown surprising capacity to organize in recent years. The great national farmer groups such as the Farm Bureau Fed eration and the National Grange are composed of thousands of local groups. The officers and members of these groups have great influence in their communities. There is no incon sistency in their enlistment in citizens' movements. For, of all people, the farmer has probably the most to lose through de pendence upon the government.

OTHER SOURCES OF LEADERSHIP Many more groups of leaders will suggest themselves and, without attempting to exhaust the list, a few should be men tioned. There are the executives of clubs and associations of all sorts, whose activities bring them into close contact with pub lic life. Among the organizations they serve are the various service clubs, chambers of commerce, farm organizations, church and women's clubs, and others. Such clubs and groups must realize that the success of their principles and policies must depend on their influence, which extends beyond their membership. Their members have mul titudinous outside contacts. Weekly meetings at which cur rent national policies are denounced and deplored serve only the limited purpose of exciting the converted. Indignation that never bears fruit in action withers away in sterile pessimism. There are also many officials of labor unions who have no 282 Potential Personal Leadership obligation or duty to conform to the political objectives of the top leaders or political arms of the great federations.

These local union leaders are a part of the· communities in which they live. Their fundamental political interests lie for the most part with those of other members of their commu nities. A great source of political leadership can be found among retired farmers and retired business and professional men and women in every community. They have leisure, which is indispensable for political activity. Since statism is a threat to savings and personally attained security, and since conserva tism is an attribute of age, these elder citizens are obvious recruits. 283 CHAPTER X Organizingfor Freedom The Arduous Ways of Politics George Santayana, whose spiritual and intellectual roots are in his Spanish ancestry and the aristocratic atmosphere of New England society, has taken a doubtful view of the excel lence of popular government. In his opinion pure democracy, if it were to produce a high culture, would require more of the common citizen than his past behavior might promise.