XVII - Short Ballots

The next year's election might cover elections to the Senate and Congress of the United States. The third ;year's elections might be allotted to the State Senate, namely: the election of fifteen Senators at large upon the same ballot; and the fourth or last year might be for President, Senator, and Congress men of the United States on the same ballot. This allotment would entirely avoid tying together of local, state and national elections and would prel 295 ] "Too Much Government-Too Much Taxation' vent trading of votes between candidates therefor. Furthermore, the political issues in each case would be clearly and sharply defined and not clouded by confusion of local, state, and national controversies. For instance, President Wilson is said to have carried Ohio and California at his second election by reason of local controversies in the Republican party of those states; and as it happened, the vote of either one determined the election. Whether this story is true, or not, I am not politician enough to know, but. it will do as an illustration of what ought not to be possible in the interest of good popular elections; the essence of which, as I see it, is importance and simpli city of candidacies and an actual issue, sharply de fined presentation of it, and then a clean fight to a finish, the decision of the majority to stand.

In local government, political issues properly so called-that is, broad questions of constitutional right and national policy-seldom arise. Contro versies generally occur over local questions merely of administration, education, public works, or public service. There is, however, one great and eternal question always present, especially as to local gov ernment, namely: the question of economy, effi ciency, and least taxation. The answer to it is, of course, control of government by able and honest men. Personal character and qualifications of can didates for public office always must be the first and most vital issue in local political campaigns. It seems to me that the short ballot of the foregoing plan, narrowing, for instance, the first year's election in the cycle of four down just to the choice of city commissioners, and clearing it of further complica tion, would present to the voters an unclouded view of any issue at stake and of the life records of the various candidates. The press should be able to [296 ] Short Ballots present both and the public to judge of candidates' fitness for office without the interjection of confusing or extraneous considerations. The same is equally true' of the remaining three elections of the cycle; though broader and more strictly political considera tions are more likely to affect them. The same ad vantage of a clarified campaign situation would ob tain, and could not but be helpful. .

( 297] CHAPTER XVIII SIMPLIFICATION OF NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF COURSE the old New England spirit of distrust would be likely to file its protest against my plan somewhat a'S follows: "But what will happen to the country if the Republican, or Democratic, or Social ist 'machine' shall capture the Board of Commis sioners, or the State Senate, and find itself in uncon trolled power for four long yeats? Are you not handing the community over to the Tammany Tiger, perhaps; or the Donkey, or the Elephant, or some other hungry beast that will fatten on it?" And the question does not lack force. Certainly the political parties and the labor unions will continue to exist, and will do their utmost to capture such concentrated power. Nevertheless, I think the reader will perceive that their permanent position would be far weaker than under the present system with its immense de tail. And there is no reason why the matter of nomi nations also should not be enormously simplified in its turn, for the very purpose of doing away in toto with the "machine" and its many thousands of costly parasites.